Astronomical Education

Astronomical Education

Between 1826 and 1828, astronomy featured prominently in Ruskinʼs poetry and prose, from his first mention of the typical beginnerʼs constellation for British children, Charlesʼs Wain, in the 1826/27 poem, “Glen of Glenfarg” [“Glen of Glenfarg thy beauteous rill”]; to his cataloguing of constellation names from all around the celestial globe in the 1827/28 poem, “The Constellations”; to the task of memorizing constellation names and their respective numbers of stars, which is assigned to his character Lucy in the 1828/29 dialogue, “Harry and Lucy . . . Vol III”; to his Miltonic hymn of praise to the sun in the New Yearʼs poem for January 1828, “The Sun”. Ruskin composed these works in context of rising popular education in astronomy for adults and children in the first three decades of the nineteenth century in Britain. On the evidence of Ruskinʼs writing about astronomy, he was engaged more by the poetic sublimity of the subject than by the science, although the works contain hints that he gained at least a basic conceptual understanding of the apparent rotations of the solar system and the fixed stars.
Print Sources of Astronomical Education
Star Atlases
In “Harry and Lucy . . . Vol III”, Ruskinʼs “Harry” “took one of his lesson books and made Lucy learn the following constellations with the number of stars” (2); and there follow lists of constellation names paired with their respective numbers of stars. The identity of Ruskinʼs “lesson book” has so far eluded detection since Harryʼs totals of stars fail to match the numbers given in British astronomy texts commonly available in the 1820s. The counts of observable stars within the constellation boundaries changed over time, and the constellations themselves changed as new ones were added and others consigned to obsolescence, so it is not necessarily surprising that Ruskinʼs source remains unidentified. It is also possible that he devised his own method of counting stars, such as numbering only stars of a certain magnitude that he found on a celestial globe or star chart. Whatever the case, the kind of text normally associated with this exacting information was a star atlas.
For British amateur astronomers in the 1820s, the star atlas that was designed most specifically to their own regionʼs sky overhead was A Celestial Atlas Comprising a Systematic Display of the Heavens in a Series of Thirty Maps Illustrated by Scientific Descriptions of Their Contents, and Accompanied by Catalogues of the Stars and Astronomical Exercises by Alexander Jamieson (1782–1850). Published in 1822, followed by a reprint circa 1823–24, the Celestial Atlas was an advanced and up‐to‐date work by a Scottish‐ and English‐educated schoolmaster, which included lessons and exercises aimed at “beginners, rather than . . . adepts in the science”, and which was “composed in a popular language, without any regard to the learned phraseology of Astronomers” (preface, ii). Embellished with plates elegantly rendering the mythical figures representing the constellations, Jamiesonʼs Celestial Atlas provided the public with an updated star atlas almost a century after the last major British achievement, the Atlas Coelestis (1729) by John Flamsteed (1646–1719). Jamiesonʼs atlas boasted a dedication to the king, George IV, and it could compete credibly with the French and German atlases then in common use. (For its publication history along with biographical information on Jamieson, see Ridpath, Celestial Atlas by Alexander Jamieson.)
Notwithstanding Jamiesonʼs target audience of “beginners, rather than . . . adepts”, any star atlas would have posed a daunting text for Ruskin at ages seven to nine. In 1835, when he was sixteen, the Ruskins may have acquired a different textbook by Jamieson, A Grammar of Logic and Intellectual Philosophy on Didactic Principles (1819). This text is identified in the family library by Dearden, predicated on an entry, “Jamieson 6/6”, dated 14 May 1835 in John James Ruskinʼs Account Book (39v), an entry that, as Van Akin Burd admits, could apply, not just to various works by Alexander Jamieson but also to works by the geologist Robert Jamieson (1774–1854) (Dearden, Library of John Ruskin, 183 [no. 1405]; Ruskin Family Letters, ed. Burd, 300–301 n. 12). Identification of this item recorded in John Jamesʼs accounts as a textbook by Alexander Jamieson is therefore problematic, although Dearden correlates this item with a gift to the Working Menʼs College in 1858.
While it is not impossible that the Ruskin family would have acquired Jamiesonʼs star atlas—priced at 1£ 5s for plain, and 1£ 11s 6d for hand‐colored, the Celestial Atlas was intended as a popular alternative to the grand atlases produced for specialists and collectors (Ridpath, “Alexander Jamieson”)—it is questionable, albeit not impossible, that Ruskin was equal to employing such a text to compile his lists of constellations with star numberings in 1828/29. Whether or not he might have consulted the Celestial Atlas or another star atlas directly, however, Jamiesonʼs textbook informed other, introductory‐level texts of the 1820s, and its plates and text were readily plagiarized by creators of British astronomy primers and instructional devices of the period. As advised by an author of astronomy primer for children, Mrs. Sherwood: “A teacher, when hearing the class, should use globes, or plates, such as may be found in most elementary books of astronomy, to assist the children in understanding what they learn” (Introduction to Astronomy Intended for Little Children, vii; and see Astronomical Primers for Children).
By whatever means Ruskin collected his astronomical informtion, his identification of certain modern constellations suggest that his source was informed by no earlier star atlas than Uranographia (1801) by the German astronomer, Johann Elert Bode (1747–1826). In the poem, see the contextual glosses for the constellations Musca (the Fly) and Apis (the Bee), explaining how Ruskinʼs names for these constellations are consistent with Bodeʼs influence. See also the glosses for Mons Mænalus (Mount Maenalus), Telescopium Herschelii (Herschelʼs Telescope), and Taurus Poniatowski (the Bull of Poniatowski), which became established constellations in the first half of the nineteenth century (albeit now obsolete) primarily through their inclusion in Bodeʼs widely distributed star atlas. See also the contextual gloss for Antlia Pneumatica (the Air Pump), a French Enlightenment‐era constellation which, only in Bodeʼs atlas and its descendants, stood alongside of—rather than displacing—Robur Carolinum (Charlesʼs Oak), a seventeenth‐century tribute to King Charles II of England, which the French inventor of Antlia was determined to eradicate from the southern sky. There is also slight evidence pointing away from Bodeʼs atlas as an ancestor of Ruskinʼs source, which is admitted in the contextual gloss for the constellation Cerberus, but this counter‐evidence is far from absolute.
Whether under the influence of a British star atlas like Jamiesonʼs or led by his own patriotism, Ruskin favored constellations with British associations, such as Cor Caroli (Charlesʼs Heart), Robur Caroli (Charlesʼs Oak), and Telescopium Herschelii (Herschellʼs Telescope).
Instructional Dialogues on Astronomy
Ruskinʼs foundational reading in astronomy was probably in the form of educational dialogues, of which his earliest was likely John Aikin and Letitia Barbauldʼs Evenings at Home (Books Used by Ruskin in His Youth: Physical Descriptions—Beinecke; Hanson, “Materiality in John Ruskinʼs Early Letters and Dialogues”, 29–30). Then from 1827–28, direct evidence survives of reading in more advanced educational dialogues on astronomy.
Aikin and Barbauld, Evenings at Home
In Evenings at Home, the conversations on astronomy are widely interspersed among other topics, thereby playing out difficult and abstract concepts gradually, which build on one another. On the fourteenth evening, a dialogue between Papa and Lucy, “Why an Apple Falls”, investigates the force of gravitation on small objects and then scales up to the forces commanding the earth as a “vast ball . . . continually spinning around”, which “is the cause why the sun and stars seem to rise and set”. The dialogue ends by asking “why the earth does not fall into the sun”. Apropos, preceding the dialogue, the topic of falling celestial objects is comically anticipated by a ballad, “Phaeton Junior; or, The Gig Demolished”, a homely version of the myth of Phaeton who begged his father, Apollo, to allow him to drive the chariot of the sun, nearly resulting in universal disaster (Aikin and Barbauld, Evenings at Home, 3:127–28, 129, 115–21).
The question of how the earth maintains its orbit is revived on the nineteenth evening in “Why the Earth Moves Round the Sun”, which, after describing centrifugal and centripetal forces using illustrations drawn everyday experiences, praises “the wonderful skill of the Creator [whereby] these two forces were made exactly to counterbalance each other; so that just as much as the earth . . . tends to fly forwards, just so much the sun draws it to the centre”. Finally, on the thirtieth evening, in “A Globe Lecture”, Papa and Lucy resume the topic of the planetsʼ movements in the solar system, but Papa delays this topic in favor of lesson in using a globe to understand the worldʼs differences in climate and the influence on vegetation, animals, and human cultures. An explanation of the planetsʼ orbits is deferred to another day when he will “take you to the lecture of an ingenious philosopher who has contrived a machine that will give you a better notion” of the planetary movements—that is, an orrery (Aikin and Barbauld, Evenings at Home, 4:117–18; 6:123).
Deference to visual aids such a celestial globe or the theatrical productions known as Lenten Lectures on Astronomy is a typical feature of educational dialogues as well as childrenʼs primers on astronomy. See also Joyce, Scientific Dialogues and Day, The History of Sandford and Merton and Maria Edgeworth, Frank: A Sequel.
Joyce, Scientific Dialogues and Day, The History of Sandford and Merton
While Ruskin can be presumed to have gained an introduction to astronomy in Aikin and Barbauldʼs Evenings at Home, which he knew well, Ruskin himself gives direct evidence of his engagement with scientific dialogues on astronomy by Jeremiah Joyce and Thomas Day. In his own astronomical works of 1827–28, Ruskin focused primarily on the constellations, a topic beyond the scope of the three conversations on astronomy in Evenings at Home. In “Harry and Lucy . . . Vol 2”, Ruskinʼs Harry offers to “give . . . [Lucy] a drawing of [the constellation] charlesʼs wain as an introduction to astronomy” (7). The diagram, which Ruskin illustrates with his own drawing in the text, reproduces a figure in volume 2, “Of Astronomy”, of Jeremiah Joyceʼs Scientific Dialogues; and the conceptual lesson of schematizing observations of the stars on paper is a topic in both Joyceʼs dialogues and in Dayʼs Sandford and Merton. In Thomas Dayʼs History of Sandford and Merton, the boys ask their tutor to procure a paper globe so they can draw their own observations of the constellations in the sky on the corresponding segment of the globe (Day, History of Sandford and Merton, 165, 187). Edgeworthʼs Frank and Mary attempt to cover a stone ball with paper in order to plot lines of longitude and latitude of the earth, but they encounter practical difficulties (Edgeworth, Frank: A Sequel, 156, 165–67).
In Joyceʼs dialogue, “Of the Fixed Stars”, the diagram that Ruskin reproduces as Harryʼs presentation to Lucy is likewise presented by Joyceʼs Tutor to his pupils, Charles and James; and just so, in Joyceʼs dialogue, the drawing serves as a first step in astronomy, teaching the boys “‘how to distinguish the stars, and . . . call them by their proper names’”. The Tutor points out Charlesʼ Wain in the night sky, and then describes the formation using the diagram—four stars forming a wagon, and three stars making the horses (Joyce, Scientific Dialogues, vol. 2, “Of Astronomy”, Coversation 2, “Of the Fixed Stars”, 12, 15–16, 250 opp. [pl. 1, fig. 1]). Basic as it is, this seven‐starred constellation is not officially recognized in the star atlases, being subsumed within Ursa Major (the Great Bear); as characterized in Jamieson, it is “the country people” who know Ursa Major “by the title of Charlesʼs Wain: in some places it is called the Plough, an agricultural machine, which it certainly resembles” (Celestial Atlas, 24). Nevertheless, whether by its common or “proper name”, Charlesʼs Wain is used repeatedly in educational dialogues as an introduction to the practical uses of astronomy as well as to the science.
As Joyceʼs Tutor explains, Charlesʼs Wain can serve as a compass for finding oneʼs bearings at night, when the sunʼs position is unavailable to define east and west. As a northern, circumpolar constellation, Ursa Major or Charlesʼ Wain is always visible on a clear night; and as the Tutorʼs diagram shows, the constellation points to Polaris (the North Star) if one traces a line upward through the two stars forming the rear end of the wagon. From this first point of reference, the Tutor proceeds to instruct Charles and James in the names and locations of other stars, constellations, and planets (Joyce, Scientific Dialogues, vol. 2, “Of Astronomy”, Coversation 2, “Of the Fixed Stars”, 16–18).
The practical use of plotting the stars is explained in what Ruskin identifies in “Harry and Lucy . . . Vol 2” as his “favourite” book, the “history of sandford and merton” (20). In Thomas Dayʼs Sandford and Merton, the tutor, Mr. Barlow, prompts the farmerʼs boy, Harry Sandford, to relate the story of how knowledge of the stars results in self‐preservation. Harry tells Tommy, the gentlemanʼs son, how he found his way home, when lost on the moor between his uncleʼs and fatherʼs house, by using Charlesʼs Wain to find the North Star and thereby orient himself in the right direction (Day, The History of Sandford and Merton, 165–69).
While Harryʼs story places emphasis on the practical uses of astronomy, Mr. Barlow also encourages study of astronomy as an appreciation of natural beauty:
Mr. Barlow. Were there no other use, I should think there would be a very great pleasure in observing such a number of glorious, glittering bodies as are now above us. We sometimes run to see a procession of coaches, or a few people in fine clothes strutting about; we admire a large room that is painted, and ornamented, and gilded: but what is there in all these things to be compared with the sight of these luminous bodies that adorn every part of the sky?

(Day, The History of Sandford and Merton, 165).
In Ruskinʼs poem, “Glen of Glenfarg” [“Glen of Glenfarg thy beauteous rill”], the lesson of the stars is practical (and sociological) as the “cottager” is exhorted to “look on charlesʼs wain / right above the grassy hills” where the “pole star guides thee on thy way / when in dark nights thou art”. The cottager (and the reader) is also taught beauty and wonder, however, when told to “look at the stars about thee tost”. In Ruskinʼs catalog poem, “The Constellations”, aesthetic appreciation is the primary purpose of his poetic epithets, which he adds to animate each of the constellation names.
Science is always near to beauty throughout Joyceʼs dialogues, as well, the Tutor frequently quoting poetry to dwell, for instance, on the beauty of the moon (“The Forty‐third Chapter of Ecclesiasticus: A Paraphrase”, lines 28–45, by William Broome, lines which also recited by Edgeworthʼs Frank and Mary); to express wonderment at the power of the sunʼs gravitation over the orbiting planets (“Summer”, lines 93–105, from The Seasons, by James Thomson; and “The Copernican System” by Thomas Chatterton); and to rhapsodize about the vast number of visible stars in the dome of the night sky (“Night IX, The Consolation”, lines 727–48, from The Complaint; or Night‐Thoughts on Life, Death, and Immortality by Edward Young) (Joyce, , 2:42–43, 54, 58, 91, 246; Edgeworth, Frank: A Sequel, 2:258–59). While often emphasizing the aesthetic side of astronomy, Ruskin does not often rise to a rhapsodic mode. When he approaches that strain, as in “The Sun”, a favorite model is the hymn to the morning in book 5 of Miltonʼs Paradise Lost (lines 153–208). Joyce likewise draws most frequently on Paradise Lost in the astronomy dialogues, followed by quotations from The Seasons by Thomson, and The Excursion by David Mallet. Other sources include eighteenth‐century scientific poems such as The Botanical Garden by Erasmus Darwin, and Eudosia by Capel Lofft—works that Ruskin also imitated (Joyce, Scientific Dialogues, e.g., 2:103–4, 149, 152, 167, 198 (Milton); 190, 230–31, 235–36, 237–38, 250 (Thomson); 196, 202, 217, 219, 224, 239 (Mallet); 129, 145 (Darwin); 183 (Lofft).
Edgeworth, Frank: A Sequel to Frank in Early Lessons
In Frank: A Sequel, a late addition (1822) to Maria Edgeworthʼs Early Lessons series, and a tale that in Ruskinʼs copy was well worn from the years when Ruskin was engaged with astronomy (circa 1827–28; see Books Used by Ruskin in His Youth: Physical Descriptions—Beinecke), the dialogues that compose the tale are aimed less at information about astronomy per se than at an ethical framework for learning. The purpose of the tale, according to Edgeworthʼs preface, is to instill the “habit of self‐control . . . by inspiring [a boy] in his own mind the wish to control himself”. By this means, when a youth leaves home for school, parents can rely on their sonʼs self‐discipline to guard against temptations to dissipation (Edgeworth, Frank: A Sequel, 1:xi).
Thus, in volume 2 of Frank: A Sequel, the progress of the heroʼs self‐control is traced in how Frank engages with astronomical learning, citing texts with which Ruskin was either already familiar or becoming so. Frankʼs vanity gets the better of him as he holds forth with his knowledge, embarrassing his family:
[F]or Frank had read Sandford and Merton, and had learned at least as much as Tommy Merton. He knew the [constellations] Greater Bear and the Lesser, and the Pole‐star, and Orion, and Lyra; and, not aware how much more there is to be known, imagined that he was very near being a great astronomer.


Always candid, if vain, Frank admits to knowing less than he boasts, so an acquaintance of his parents, the Engineer, assigns him passages on astronomy in another text known to Ruskin, Joyceʼs Scientific Dialogues. The point of the challenge, of course, is less to improve Frankʼs understanding of the stars than to test his self‐command.
“This is a great deal to learn”, said [Frankʼs cousin] Mary: “will Frank indeed be able to learn all this?”
“Yes, I think he will”, [replies the Engineer,] “if he goes on little by little, and steadily; and if he reads with his kind mother, who is ready to assist him in all difficulties, and who will not let him go on too fast”.
“I will begin”, said Frank, “tomorrow, sir, as you shall see”.


Frank soon neglects this moderated and supervised assignment, however, distracted by reading the life of “a self‐taught genius”, James Ferguson (1710–76), who from boyhood devised his own means to chart the constellations on paper (perhaps the inspiration of the exercise devised by Dayʼs Tutor) and invented and constructed astronomical and other instruments, although some of his inventions already existed. Admiration of this biography deranges Frankʼs more modest and systematic lessons with his mother, who warns him that “not . . . one in ten of these self‐taught persons ever distinguish themselves in the world, or excite that wonder, or obtain that glory, of which you are so desirous”. Nonetheless, Frank is ambitious to imitate Fergusonʼs “projects”, first attempting and failing with Mary to make their own paper‐covered globe. “But still as one scheme failed, another rose in Frankʼs imagination; and he went on from one to another, pleased always with the last new idea, yet finishing few; for some he found impossible, some not sufficiently surprising, and almost all were too tiresome, he said, to be worth completing”. Finally, enchanted by an engraving of an orrery in Fergusonʼs book—a mechanical model of the solar system, which Ferguson had also devised on his own system, without investigating the mechanisms of existing orreries—Frank himself ventures on this “‘very ingenious thing, exceedingly ingenious’”. Although he sets forth without learning even “half . . . [of the planetsʼ] motions”, having neglected the Engineerʼs assignment of readings in Joyceʼs Scientific Dialogues, he believes he could teach himself, like Ferguson, “as he went on with his work”; and his mother, unaware of the extent of Frankʼs ambitions, allows him to proceed, so that he “will soon find out, by your own experience, what you can, and what you cannot do”. While he at least sticks to a single project, the complexity of the orrery soon exceeds Frankʼs abilities, and he nearly disgraces himself in reciting his appointed studies. His father counsels him: “‘I would rather, . . . as your father and friend, . . that you had the power of keeping to your resolutions, than that you made the most ingenious thing that ever was thought of by a boy of your age’” (Edgeworth, Frank: A Sequel, 2:162, 163, 174, 168–69, 180–81; and see Rothman, “Ferguson, James [1710–1776]”; and Ferguson, “A Short Account of the Life of the Author”).
The dialogue recognizes that learning complex sciences calls on abilites and virtues that can conflict with one another—ingenuity and resolution, enthusiasm and steadiness. As Mamma admits to Mary: “‘It is rather hard, I allow, . . . to reproach poor Frank at the same moment with two seemingly opposite faults, with his not finishing any thing, and with his being too eager to finish one thing’”. In the taleʼs primary mission to instruct a childʼs self‐command, however, the point of an episode of conflict is less to resolve competing virtues philosophically than for the child to internalize regulation of feeling. As Frank promises in future to portion his time judiciously between fundamental lessons and ingenious projects, his stirred “feelings of this moment would have inclined him to do too much, and to fix upon too many hours for useful studies; but his mother advised him to attempt little, and engage but for few, that he might be more likely to keep to his intentions”. Because the aim is self‐regulation of feeling, Frankʼs mother considers but one virtue to be paramount in the jostling of abilities: candour, the want of which she expects “‘never [to] reproach him’”, since a misleading expression of feeling deranges the aim. The contrary example of frank expresion in the tale is the dishonest boy, Tom, whose lying vies with his spontaneous emotion, and his silly mother, whose vanity and flightiness prevents her reading her childʼs expression insightfully (Edgeworth, Frank: A Sequel, 2:183, 193–94, 183).
Astronomical Primers for Children
An Introduction to Astronomy Intended for Little Children (1817) by Mrs. Sherwood (1775–1851) consists of “astronomical lessons” omitting “every thing difficult and abstuse” and divided into brief and easily digestible topics. As a suggestion for the childʼs engagement with these topics, Mrs. Sherwood devises a game resembling the fictional Fairborne childrenʼs serendipity of “rummag[ing] the budget” in Mrs. Barbauldʼs and John Aikinʼs Evenings at Home, only with more bracing consequences:
[T]he head of each section, with the beginning of the accompanying [Bible] verse, should be written on a card, and put into a bag, and drawn out indiscriminately for repetition; two or more children passing the bag round in turns, from one to another. Those who are not able to repeat the section, the head of which is written upon the card, are to lose their places, and go to the bottom of the class.
And so on, with additional regimens and penalties, along with a specimen of the memorization card divided into a heading “Astronomy” and a heading “And God said” (Sherwood, Introduction to Astronomy, v–vii; and see Aikin and Barbauld, Evenings at Home, 2–3).
Mrs. Sherwoodʼs lists of constellation names omit any information that is classified under each constellation name in a star atlas, whether legendary including the origins and differences among legends, or technical including each constellationʼs location, boundaries, and stellar makeup. As exercises in memorization, the scripture quotations that annotate the lists are at least as important as the constellation names. Following the lists, Sherwoodʼs text does explain rudimentary concepts, such as the ecliptic and celestial equator, which are necessary to understanding the principles governing how the lists of constellations are subdivided into northern, southern, and zodiac groups.
Another primer available to Ruskin in the 1820s was A Familiar Treatise on Astronomy (1824; 2d ed., 1825), written by Jehoshaphat Aspin to accompany Uraniaʼs Mirror; or A View of the Heavens. The latter was a set of thirty‐two 8 × 5.5–inch cards, each card depicting the mythological representation of one or more constellations. The cards were perforated at the positions of the stars forming the constellation so that, when held up to a light, the cards mimicked a “view” of the respective constellations in the “heavens” with the colorful mythical figures superimposed. The cards were engraved by Sidney Hall (1788/89[?]–1831), the first map maker to engrave on steel, but the invention is credited in the “advertisement to the first edition” of Aspinʼs book to “the ingenuity of a young Lady”. This personʼs identity has been traced to the Reverend Richard Rouse Bloxam (ca. 1765–1840), an assistant master of Rugby School; and it has also been suggested that Bloxamʼs spouse, Anna—née Ann Lawrence (1766–1835), the sister of the artist Sir Thomas Lawrence (1769–1830)—deserves some part of the credit (Worms, “Hall, Sidney [1788/9?–1831]”; Aspin, Familiar Treatise on Astronomy, iii; Hingley, Uraniaʼs Mirror; Ridpath, Uraniaʼs Mirror). The identity of Jehoshaphat Aspin is also obscure, an author of a number of works for young readers, which were published in the 1820s by the firm of John Harris, such as Cosmorama: A View of the Costumes and Peculiarities of All Nations, A Picture of the Manners, Customs, Sports, and Pastimes of the Inhabitants of England, and other works on geography and history.
While the purpose of A Familiar Treatise on Astronomy does not, like Mrs. Sherwoodʼs book, subordinate the science of astronomy to religious admiration, the introduction gestures at the “sublime idea” of “worlds . . . peopled with myriads of intelligent beings, formed for endless progression towards perfection and felicity” as governed by the “INFINITE MIND”; the chapter “History of Astronomy” begins with star‐gazing as recorded in the Genesis narrative; and the chapter “Fixed Stars” impresses on the reader that “[t]he immense distance of the fixed stars from our earth, and from each other, is of all considerations the most proper for raising our ideas of the wonderful works of God” (Aspin, Familiar Treatise on Astronomy, 2, 3, 100). Otherwise, the approach of the Familiar Treatise is nearer to the conceptual understanding sought by the instructional dialogues than to memorization exercises.
To create the constellation cards for Uraniaʼs Mirror, the engraver or the artist plagiarized the representations of the mythical figures drawn for Jamiesonʼs Celestial Atlas, as Ridpath has remarked (Uraniaʼs Mirror). Likewise, to compile the accompanying primer, Aspin and the publisher appear to have drawn heavily on Jamiesonʼs atlas, while also moderating its forbiddingly technical demands for the common reader, including (it claims) younger readers. Just as the Celestial Atlas begins with “Definitions”, the Familiar Treatise presents “Terms Used in Astronomy”; however, whereas Jamieson follows with “Of the Manner of Using the Maps”, presented as a series of technical “problems” requiring mathematical skills, the Familiar Treatise eases the reader into a series of brief essays beginning broadly with “Of the Celestial Bodies Generally”. From there, the Familiar Treatise surveys topics familiar to young readers of the dialogues—gravitation, the structure and movements of the solar system, the bodies forming the solar system—but explained in greater detail and illustrated with diagrams. Only after this extensive preparation is the reader introduced to the constellations—the topic used by the astronomical dialogues and even by Mrs. Sherwoodʼs primer to snare the young readerʼs initial interest in astronomy. The best is saved for last, however, as this section is keyed to the kitʼs accompanying constellation cards. Following an introductory chapter on the fixed stars, the constellations are described in the order and in the groups depicted on the cards, again borrowing from Jamiesonʼs text (in reduced form), by first summarizing each contellationʼs boundaries, chief stars and their magnitudes, and other identifying features; and then by relating, in short form, its legendary “fable”. This plan was in turn copied by the American academic, Jacob Green, in Astronomical Recreations, and with a similar audience in mind (although the dates of his and Aspinʼs publications are so close that it is unclear who copied whom).
As a primer for study specifically of the constellations, Aspinʼs A Familiar Treatise differs from star atlases and even from other primers by limiting its scope to constellations viewable from Britain—a feature rendering the book less likely to have served as Ruskinʼs source for “The Constellations”, albeit opening a window onto the uniquely British amateur astronomer in the nineteenth century. For example, the section on the constellations supplies two fold‐out maps, one a planar representation of the “Northern Hemisphere” (cribbed from Jamiesonʼs chart in the Celestial Atlas), piecing together all the sectional views with outlines of the mythical figures, as rendered on the cards making up “Uraniaʼs Mirror”; and the second a “Chart of the Heavens from the Latitude of London”, divided into the boundaries of the visible constellations, each of which is tinted with a distinct color for clarity and mapped with the constellationʼs chief stars. The book presents no fold‐out chart of the southern hemisphere, however; and while providing a list of the southern constellations, the detailed descriptions of each constellation, like the cards constituting Uraniaʼs Mirror, include only those southern constellations that are partially visible at the latitude of London. In Ruskinʼs “The Constellations”, the first two southern constellations that are listed in the poem (in its original version), the Southern Cross and Charlesʼs Oak, are never visible from London and therefore omitted from representation or discussion in A Familiar Treatise and Uraniaʼs Mirror except for their names in the plenary list of southern constellations.
In his poetic representations of celestial bodies and in his imitations of astronomy lessons in his “Harry and Lucy” narratives, Ruskin seems to waver between memorization tasks in the style of Sherwoodʼs primer and the wonder and discovery encouraged by Dayʼs, Barbauldʼs, and Joyceʼs dialogues, and between the religious emphasis in Sherwoodʼs and Aspinʼs references to Scripture and the resolutely secular and scientific program of observation in Dayʼs and Joyceʼs tutelage. here In “Harry and Lucy . . . Vol III”, Harry takes “one of his lesson books” and assigns Lucy a memorization drill, which lists constellation names like Mrs. Sherwoodʼs exercise, but which is thoroughly secular, with no Bible verses attached. The drill also suggests, however, that he consulted either a star atlas or a primer like Aspinʼs derived from an atlas, since Lucy is ordered to “learn the following constellations with the number of stars” belonging to each formation. There follow at intervals in the narrative columns of ten to twelve constellation names in English with their respective total number of stars, which Lucy memorizes each morning (“Harry and Lucy . . . Vol III”, 2–7). The numbers of stars do not correspond to those given in any astronomy “lesson book” discovered so far, but Ruskin clearly was aware that tables with that information feature in atlases and advanced primers.
In 1828, if they had acquired Jamiesonʼs Celestial Atlas, its exercises would surely have demanded too much of Ruskinʼs abilities. As remarked previously, the random order in which he names constellations in his poem suggests that he failed to master even the most basic astronomical concepts, as presented in Mrs. Sherwoodʼs elementary primer. Nonetheless, the atlas would have appealed not only in its visual depictions and prose summaries of myths; it would also have bolstered Ruskinʼs pride in British achievements in astronomical discovery and science. A consistent theme in Ruskinʼs poem is his observance of constellations with British associations, such as Cor Caroli (Charlesʼs Heart), Robur Caroli (Charlesʼs Oak), and Telescopium Herschelii (Herschellʼs Telescope).
Mrs. Sherwood advises: “A teacher, when hearing the class, should use globes, or plates, such as may be found in most elementary books of astronomy, to assist the children in understanding what they learn” (Introduction to Astronomy, vii). Plates and globes depicted the mythical figures for which the constellations were named; and plates were found in star atlases, which among other information related the stories associated with the stars and constellations, such as the myth of the Milky Way (Via Lactea) that Ruskin uses to frame his conclusion to the second fair copy (MS III): “the ancients thought” it “the road / Which all their best and bravest trod / Unto great Jupiters blest abode”.
Still, a confirmed source of Ruskinʼs exposure to the mythology of the constellations remains elusive, as does a measure of his knowledge of those stories. The contextual glosses identify the constellations named in Ruskinʼs poem and summarize their stories, drawing on two sources published in the 1820s: Jamiesonʼs Celestial Atlas and an American work (partly dependent on Jamiesonʼs), Astronomical Recreations (1824) by Jacob Green (1790‐1841). How familiar this information would have been to Ruskin himself in this period is unknown.