Friendshipʼs Offering

Friendshipʼs Offering

Illustrated literary annual. The first four volumes, 1824–27, were published by Lupton Relfe. Another seventeen volumes, for the years 1828–44 (i.e., published “for” the New Yearʼs holiday seasons 1828–44, the volumes themselves produced and released late in the previous year, 1827–43), were published by Smith, Elder & Company (Harris, Forget Me Not, 124–26, 323–34; Faxon, Literary Annuals and Gift‐Books, 93–95). While not the first publication to print Ruskinʼs writing, Friendshipʼs Offering was the first widely distributed venue for his poetry, beginning with “Saltzburg” and “Fragments from a Metrical Journal”, included in the volume for 1835 (released in October or November 1834). Thereafter, Friendshipʼs Offering remained a regular showcase for Ruskinʼs verse, which appeared in each annual volume until the seriesʼ demise.
History and Development
The Founding of the Annual by Lupton Relfe
The first volume of Friendshipʼs Offering appeared with the date 1824, published by a bookseller in Cornhill Street, Lupton Relfe. The Ruskin family had some awareness of this early stage of the annual, since the volume for 1825, Relfeʼs second volume in the series, entered the family library with an inscription to Mary Richardson (1815–49), Ruskinʼs cousin who first came to Camberwell to live intermittently with the family in 1827 and then permanently by January 1829. (Dearden, Library of John Ruskin, 122 [no. 953]; and for specific features of the 1825 Friendshipʼs Offering, see Harris, “Feminizing the Textual Body”, 601–2, 611).
Searching for a Niche
Initially, the full title of Relfeʼs publication was Friendshipʼs Offering, or the Annual Remembrancer, a Christmas Present, or New Yearʼs Gift, for 1824. All the keywords of this inclusive title are worked into the preface, which, as Katherine D. Harris remarks, mimicks the agenda of the Forget Me Not, the first of the British annuals. That publication had been published only one year earlier, for 1823, by the firm of Rudolf Ackermann, which had made its reputation by marshalling both established and new printing technologies in service of burgeoning British visual and literary culture (Harris, Forget Me Not, 114–26). (Indeed, the first Forget Me Not traded on previous and somewhat dated success, featuring a series of emblematic treatments of the twelve months, rendered in copper etching based on drawings by Edward Burney [1760–1848], and versified by William Combe [1742–1823], the author of Ackermannʼs bestseller, The Tour of Doctor Syntax, in Search of the Picturesque [1812, 1820, 1821], illustrated by Thomas Rowlandson [1757–1827] [Ford, Ackermann, 52–60].) Relfeʼs preface seems bent on covering all bases for the possible marketability of his attempt at this miscellaneous venue—to compete with Continental models (chiefly German) of the literary annual by translating the form to meet British taste; to supply the holiday gift market; to furnish (“independently”) both “graphic decorations” and “original contributions . . . from popular pens”; to “partially . . . supply” the features of a pocket‐book, thus incorporating yet “elevat[ing]” the function of this annual diary or “remembrancer”; and a purpose not mentioned directly by the competitors, to seize on the British pent‐up, post‐Napoleonic desire for travel, actual or virtual, by pairing engraved “views” of foreign cities with descriptions based on “personal observation” (see the preface to Friendshipʼs Offering for 1824, reprinted in Harris, Forget Me Not, 124–25; for the pocket‐book and almanac as predecessors of the annual, see Annuals and Other Illustrated Books: History and Characteristics of the Annuals).
In an 1858 article in the Bookseller, attempting an appreciative critical history of the annuals when they had declined in popularity, Relfeʼs early volumes were criticized for their weak contents and poor production and also their haphazard miscellaneity—“unpromising” assemblages of “indifferent views of Continental cities”, “poor verses”, and the occasional “tale by Mrs. Opie” (i.e., Amelia Opie [1769–1853]). The writer particularly dwelled on the inclusion of “ruled pages for memoranda”, as typically found in a pocket‐book, as the proof of unconsidered paste‐up, a feature that the writer condemned likewise in the Offeringʼs early rivals, Forget Me Not and The Graces (“The Annuals of Former Days”, 495–96). In the 1820s, however, reviews of Relfeʼs early volumes suggest that critics embraced the miscellany. The Gentlemanʼs Magazine, reviewing the Friendshipʼs Offering for 1825, explained that “the aim of the editor . . . appears to have been to combine the elegance of art and flowers of literature with the utility of the superior class of pocket‐books, and in this . . . he has in a great degree succeeded”—adding parenthetically, not that Relfe should have aimed at greater uniformity of purpose, but that he might have made up for “the deficiency of an almanack”, although admittedly that addition “would have necessarily much increased the price” (Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering for 1825, 445). In the view of the Mirror of Literature, Amusement, and Instruction, Relfeʼs second volume of Friendshipʼs Offering (1825) had “much improved since last year” since it offered more, not less, variety of contents: “nearly three hundred pages of interesting articles in prose and verse; a Diary, with views at the head of each month [i.e., what the Gentlemanʼs Magazine described as “a blank Diary for memoranda, headed by 12 very neat wood engravings of ancient castles, churches, &c., all in the county of Kent”], and fourteen copper plate engravings, including four sweet views of the cities of St. Petersburgh, Constantinople, Berne, and Naples”; and rounding out the “literary department”, “some original music, and several enigmas, riddles, and rebuses” (“Christmas and New Yearsʼ Presents”, 409). In its next volume, the Mirror reprinted some of the riddles and songs (“Riddles and Conundrums”; “Discretion the Better Part of Valour”).
According to the 1858 Bookseller article, the fortunes of Friendshipʼs Offering were turned around by by the editorship of T. K. Hervey (1799–1859). In his prefatory remarks for Relfeʼs 1826 volume, Hervey announced “a view to an entire change in . . . [the annualʼs] character and plan”, by shifting emphasis from the transience of an annual to the permanence of a keepsake: the “alterations” were to “consist in the removal of all those features which marked it as more peculiarly adapted for one season of the year than another”. Starting with that volume, the almanac and pocket‐book features were suppressed, and the subtitle shortened to “A Literary Album” to signal the concentrated focus. What had happened was not solely Herveyʼs inspiration, however, but a broader trend reflected in a Monthly Review article published one year earlier, which is clearly the source of Herveyʼs announcement of changes being made in Friendshipʼs Offering. The article presents a brief critical history of the British annual, celebrating the “keen and enterprising spirit of emulation” that has enabled “our countrymen” in a short time to have so improved on the German Taschenbuch that “the least elegant of . . . [the British annuals] is greatly superior to any thing produced on the Continent”. The key to this progress, according to the article, lay in a marker that carried a rebuke to the proprietor of Frienshipʼs Offering:
When these undertakings [the British annuals] were first commenced, they retained, for a season, the character of the almanac, adding to it a few pieces of poetry, a tale or two in prose, and two or three very indifferent engravings. Now, with the exception of a few minor productions, they exclude every feature which would seem to attach them to one year more than to another; poets and other writers of the highest classes of our literature contribute to their pages, and feel proud to avow contributions which the most precious resources of art are employed to illustrate.
Since Hervey quotes the phrase in italics nearly verbatim, it is evident that this review had determined Relfe to rescue Friendshipʼs Offering from among the “few minor productions” that formed the “exception” to this brilliant tale of British progress. In 1825, probably only one annual represented the pinnacle of achievement—the Literary Souvenir, edited by Alaric Watts, the sole publication under review in this Monthly Review article. Although only first published in 1825, the Literary Souvenir already benefitted from a nationalistic evolutionary narrative. (The narrative gained credence from the decision of the Souvenirʼs publisher, Hurst, Robinson, to make way for funding the Literary Souvenir by discontinuing an existing annual, The Graces, after publishing only one volume. Although the exchange was friendly, The Graces, which was born the same year as Friendshipʼs Offering, ironically contributed to the evolutionary narrative by claiming British superiority over Continental models for having disburdened itself of the their “loaded . . . weight” of almanac features, but then set itself “to embrace . . . every topic of accomplishment, elegance, and polite information, that can interest the general reader”, including a decorated diary for the userʼs memoranda, which it imitated from Forget Me Not [the Reverend George Croly, preface to The Graces, quoted in Harris, Forget Me Not, 119, and see 118–24, 126–28.)
The Hervey Editorship: Improving the Literary Character
What signaled the improved “literary character” promised by Hervey? As star material for the 1826 volume, Maria Edgeworth (1769–1849) supplied an essay by her father, Richard Lovell Edgeworth (1744–1817); Washington Irving (1783–1859) and Lady Caroline Lamb (1785–1828) released scraps of verse by Lord Byron (1788–1824); and juvenilia were recovered by James Thomson (1700–1748). Otherwise, the roster of contributors for the 1826 volume proved similar to those for 1827. One or both volumes included poet/churchmen such as the Reverend Thomas Dale (1797–1870), Ruskinʼs future Camberwell schoolmaster, and the Reverend George Croly (1780–1860), Ruskinʼs future mentor. This class of writers also included the Reverend John Moultrie (1799–1874), the Rugby rector; and James Montgomery (1771–1854), the hymn writer. Among “poetesses” appeared L.E.L. (Letitia Landon, 1802–38) and—a poetess especially favored in the Ruskin household—Felicia Hemans (1793–1835). Among women writers of tales and sketches appeared Mary Russell Mitford (1787–1855) and Emma Roberts (1791–1840).
These and other contributors to the 1826 and 1827 volumes of Friendshipʼs Offering were, as reviewers commented, almost invariable presences in other annuals, as well—writers who supplied mainly verse, but who could also be relied on for a variety of commissions: Bernard Barton (1784–1849), John Clare (1793–1864), Allan Cunningham (1784–1842), Hervey, William Jerdan (1782–1869), Henry Neele (1798–1828), D. Lester Richardson (1801–65), and the translator John Bowring (1792–1872). Relief from the sentiments of such verse came from humorists like John Galt (1779–1839), Thomas Hood (1799–1845), and Horace Smith (1779–1849). The contributors represented cultures of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, as well as lived experience from abroad. Some pieces were written in dialect. They represented a variety of religious and ideological stances, though never so aggressively as to perturb the unifying script of friendship, sentiment, and memory. Many contributors labored as editors of competing annuals, magazines, and newspapers, including Ruskinʼs future personal editor, W. H. Harrison (1792–1878), who appeared the for the first time as a contributor of tales in the Friendshipʼs Offering for 1827.
Thus the “improved literary character” of Friendshipʼs Offering succeeded in rendering the volume more predictable. The Monthly Review commented about the 1826 volume: “Where the character of this volume so closely corresponds to that of the ‘[Literary] Souvenir’”, reviewed in a previous issue for that year, “our general remarks may apply to either” (Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1826] and Janus [1826], 161). Regarding the following yearʼs volume, that journal judged the “prose matter . . . [to be] upon the whole, the best that we have seen in any of these annual volumes”, but “after three or four pieces from the pens of Miss Landon, Mrs. Hemans, the Rev. Mr. Dale, and Mr. Hervey, we find nothing in the shape of verse, that rises above mediocrity” (Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1827], 87).
When reviewers found little to distinguish Friendshipʼs Offering from other annuals, they sought comparisons in the plates, called embellishments, usually to Relfeʼs disadvantage (see “Miscellaneous” [Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering (1827)], 300; Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1826] and Janus [1826], 161; and Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1827], 87). Fairly or not, reviewers turned to the Literary Souvenir as the standard for taste and execution in illustration, whereas Friendshipʼs Offering was at least typical of the period in highlighting the shared “poetry” of the Sister Arts (see Illustration: The Poetry of the Sister Arts in the Relfe Annual); and at least one of Relfeʼs volumes contained a unique venture, a 1826 sampling of contemporary French art (see Illustration: A Reflection of the Contest between the British Picturesque Aesthetic and French Neoclassicism in the 1826 Relfe Annual). Despite some achievements, however, the future success of Friendshipʼs Offering depended on finding a niche that made the annual distinctive in an increasingly crowded field, yet without disturbing the comforting predictability of sentimental memory combined with pretensions of friendship.
The Takeover of the Annual by Smith, Elder, & Company
Relfeʼs final volume of Friendshipʼs Offering was for 1827 (presumably released in late 1826), edited by Hervey and B. E. Pote (“Editors and Publishers of British Literary Annuals, 1823–31, in Harris, Forget Me Not, 324). In 1827, the publication was taken over by the relatively young stationery and bookselling firm of Smith, Elder, & Company, which had recently moved to no. 65 Cornhill, near Relfe.
By 1827, Smith, Elderʼs publishing ventures in engravings and aquatints were already ambitiously refined, but with the acquisition of Friendshipʼs Offering the company made a bid for an expanded share of the burgeoning illustrated book market. Under their custodianship, Friendshipʼs Offering achieved a steady measure of distinction in the growing field of annuals. The takeover was made most immediately apparent to the public by an innovative embossed leather binding, which included the publisherʼs name along with the annualʼs title integrated into the cover design and stamped sharply into the material. (see Binding). As part of the deal, Smith, Elder must have acquired Relfeʼs backstock, since an advertisement offered “sets of Friendshipʼs Offering, from its commencement in 1824 . . . uniformly done up in the improved binding” (quoted in Godburn, Nineteenth‐Century Dust‐Jackets, 31). Sales rose, eventually peaking at ten thousand copies per year, helping to assure the fortunes of Smith, Elder as a publisher. (As a comparison, Ackermannʼs Forget Me Not in some years achieved twenty thousand. See the account of Smith, Elder, & Company in Bell, “Smith, George Murray [1824–1901]”, the DNB biography of the son of George Smith (1789–1846), who founded the firm along with Alexander Elder (1790–1876); see also Ford, Ackermann, 65.)
Smith, Elder slightly readjusted the balance that Hervey had tipped from a seasonal publication to a more permanent keepsake: recouping the holiday spirit, the publisher expanded the subtitle from A Literary Album to A Literary Album, and Christmas and New Yearʼs Present. At the same time, they enhanced the keepsake element by redesigning the presentation plate to give greater scope to the presenter and presentee: as the Monthly Review noticed appreciatively, some annuals “scarcely allowed” space “for the names of the ‘donor’ and ‘donee’ . . . [b]ut here [was provided] full room even for a verse or two of compliment” (Unsigned review of The Keepsake [1828], Friendshipʼs Offering [1828], and The Christmas Box [1828], 71). The most immediately striking impression was effected, however, by the annualʼs leather binding with an elaborate Renaissance revival design (see Binding.
In quality of illustrations, the Literary Souvenir held onto its preeminent standing in the estimation of reviewers; nonetheless, the Monthly Review acknowledged that Smith, Elder had already earned a reputation for high‐quality art reproduction, and allowed that the plates in their first Friendshipʼs Offering were “really very creditable to the publishers”, their “subjects . . . selected with great judgment” and “engraved in a chaste, artist‐like style” (Unsigned review of The Keepsake [1828]; Friendshipʼs Offering [1828]; and The Christmas‐Box [1828], 71; see “Made Expressly for the Work”: The Art Scene in the Smith, Elder Annual).
Charles Knightʼs Skeptical Editorship and the Concept of Friendship
Smith, Elder released their first volume of the annual in time for the 1827–28 holiday season. The volume for 1828 was edited by Charles Knight (1791–1873), the future publisher for the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. In his autobiography, Knight describes his role in the transition between publishers as hectic: “It was an enterprise hastily entered upon by Messrs. Smith and Elder, late in the season, and I had to obtain pictures for engraving, secure contributors, and see the book through the press in two or three months”. He credits the success of the ordeal to friends who “rallied round” with contributions that he considered more “original” than the “sentimental stories” and “mawkish” verses “with their bowers and flowers” typical of the annuals (Knight, Passages of a Working Life, 2:53). While his editorship was only transitory, and he held the annuals generally in low regard—all too characteristic, he believed, of “a period in which . . . mediocrity was essentially necessary to great literary success” (“The Editorʼs Room”, 548)—Knight characterized the editing of this volume in retrospect as an act of friendship more meaningful than the pretensions suggested by his annualʼs title.
The friends—the poets W. M. Praed (1802–39), the Reverend John Moultrie (1799–1874), and their circle—were identified in a review of the 1828 Friendshipʼs Offering as “chiefly formed from a set known to the world as the writers of the Etonian, one of the best books ever written by young men, . . . their talents . . . of a calibre well adapted for an annual, brisk, painted, and polished”. The Etonian was a short‐lived school magazine, which Knight published for Praed and his compatriots at Eton in 1820–21; and since this review of Friendshipʼs Offering was published in the London Magazine for January 1828, which Knight acquired as editor only a few months later in April 1828, one can reasonably suppose that Knight himself authored the review of his own annual, highlighting the fellowship of these writers as if they were still precocious Eton youths, and contrasting their “cheerful gaiety” with the “common‐place, leaden, empty, . . . vapid . . . fashion of these Souvenirs” (“The Annuals” [unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering (1828), The Winterʼs Wreath (1828), The Pledge of Friendship (1828), and The Christmas Box (1828)], 56; and for Knightʼs editorship of the London Magazine, see Bauer, The London Magazine, 90, 150, 245).
Knight was not himself an Etonian but found “a rare pleasure to have [had] an occasional companionship with these fresh young men . . . these blithe spirits” (Passages of a Working Life, 1:284). In 1829, Praed, who was by then a barrister and soon to become an M.P., contributed the poem “School and Schoolfellows” to Knightʼs final volume of the London Magazine: “I wish that I could run away / From House, and court, and levee / . . . / That I could be a boy again, / A happy boy, at Druryʼs!” Apart from personal attraction and nostalgia, however, Knightʼs part in the publication of the Etonian may have put him in mind of an alternative to the annuals. In a review of the annuals for 1827, a writer for the London Magazine, who despaired of the annuals ever amassing a pool of genuine talent, proposed a model based on “the Taschenbuchs of Germany, which were sometimes got up by a few men of genius, who, at the end of the year, clubbed their adversaria, and published together a little miscellaneous volume, which had or might not have some definite object. The hint might, we think, be adopted in this country with advantage”. Alhough “the time is gone by when men wrote in knots and schools”, the writer considering even the Lake School a thing of the past in 1826, he believed “[t]here are . . . many clubs or schools even at present existing, which might throw together an occasional periodical of this kind with effect, whether the object be grave or gay—pleasure or improvement”. The echoes of this proposal with Knightʼs experience of publishing the Etonian are striking (“Souvenir Books, or Joint‐Stock Literature“ [unsigned review of Forget Me Not (1827) and Friendshipʼs Offering (1827)], 480).
Whether written by Knight or by another writer, earlier reviews of the annuals in the London Magazine challenged the fundamental publishing enterprise of the annuals, which the magazine called “the system”: “The application to distinguished individuals for a specimen of their genius . . . is not likely to produce any thing beyond a very cold effort; so many of these Annuals, moreover, now appear, that many writers will be over‐tasked; it is impossible that they can have a good thing for each of these publications, which we fear in their rivalry will injure one another like the Paddington stages, which go from the Bank every quarter of an hour, and cross and jostle one another on the road” (“The Annuals” [unsigned review of Forget Me Not (1828), The Amulet (1828), and The Bijou (1828))). Despite these objections, and his gratitude to the Etonians for rescuing him from the “the system”, Knightʼs friends were far from comprising the totality of the contributors to the 1828 volume, although the Monthly Review did want to know who Moultrie was, and why the volume contained so many of his poems, “as bad as a dose of opium” (Unsigned review of The Keepsake (1828), Friendshipʼs Offering (1828), and The Christmas Box (1828), 72). Otherwise, despite Knightʼs contempt for “the system”, he collected a roster of contributors containing many of the same names as those found in rival annuals, doubtless because the shortened production of time compelled him to accept what he could get. An advertisement for the volume showcased celebrated names—Maria Edgeworth (1769–1849), Thomas de Quincey (1785–1859), and the poet laureate, Robert Southey (1774–1843) (“The Friendshipʼs Offering, for 1828”]).
Ruskinʼs Editors
The Pringle Editorship
Knight was succeeded by Thomas Pringle, who within five years would undertake editing of Ruskinʼs poetry and introduce him to the fashionable literary world as the author “J.R.” in the Friendshipʼs Offering for 1835 (see “Saltzburg”: Discussion). Apparently before this time, Pringle had become a regular dinner guest of the Ruskins at Herne Hill, though in what year is unknown; the acquaintance may have been struck as early as autumn 1829, the season of Pringleʼs second volume of Friendshipʼs Offering, when Ruskinʼs cousin, Charles Richardson, was employed as a shop boy for Smith, Elder (see also Annuals and Other Illustrated Books: The Annuals and the Ruskin Family).
Pringle and Scottishness
Pringle was a native Scot like John James Ruskin as well as the publishers of Friendshipʼs Offering, George Smith and Alexander Elder. When Pringle took over the editorship of the annual, he was recently returned from South Africa, where, with a party of other Scots, he had emigrated in search of opportunities in the Cape Colony, which Britain had acquired as a possession in the Congress of Vienna. He returned to England with disappointed hopes, but with exotic experience to be made into poetry as well as a passion for the abolitionist cause. It was doubtless his earlier literary connections in Edinburgh, however, with figures no less auspicious than Walter Scott, James Hogg, and others, that made him a welcome guest at Herne Hill.
Pringle brought to his first volume of Friendshipʼs Offering a noticeable Caledonian emphasis. Under Knight, the annual for 1828 featured a handful of Scottish contributors. Under Pringle, the volume for 1829 presented over thirty contributions by Scots—more than a third of the total—including such poems as “The Highland Hunterʼs Coronach”, “On Leaving Scotland”, and “Auld Joe Nicholsonʼs Bonny Nannie: A Sang”; and such tales as “The Covenanters: A Scottish Traditionary Tale”. Scottish landscapes are also prominent among the engravings (see Pringleʼs Scottish Landscapes.
The reception of the Scotch emphasis contrasted between some reviewers in North Britain and in South Britain. The Edinburgh Literary Journal proudly highlighted two annuals for 1829Friendshipʼs Offering and the Anniversary—that were “edited by Scotchmen” and that showcased Scotch “names . . . shin[ing] most conspicuously in their tables of contents”. Of the two, the Anniversary stood out most prominently for making “peculiar claims on the people of Scotland”. Edited by the poet Allan Cunningham, and making its debut that year, the Anniversary presented what the reviewer admitted may be considered “an over degree of nationality” by “[o]ur Southern friends” (“The Annuals for 1829”, 5).
Some southern journals did object, as did La Belle Assemblée, “that too many of the pieces” in Pringleʼs 1829 Friendshipʼs Offering “derive their origin north of the Tweed”, as well as presenting “somewhat too large proportion of what may be termed religious matter”, which “can seldom be amalgamated successfully with the lighter effusions of the Belles Lettres” (“The Annuals for 1829”, 197). A connection between those two objections was enforced more straightforwardly and stridently by the Monthly Review, which advised the Anniversary to rein in Scotch contributions since “a beautiful work of art” requires that “all the parts shall be in unison”;. Although denying that the journal “mean[t] to insinuate any dislike of the true Doric dialect, as it has been called, of Scotland”, the reviewer urged that “in every instance the current language of England . . . prevail in the literature of the Annuals” (Unsigned review of The Anniversary [1829], The Amulet [1829], The Juvenile Forget Me Not [1829], and The Juvenile Keepsake [1829], 527, 530). From the first emergence of the annuals, the Monthly Review had treated these publications as “ministers of taste” from the metropolis to the provinces, and from England to the empire, and here the presumed Englishness of that unifying standard of taste is made explicit (see Annuals and Other Illustrated Books: The Character and Reception of the Annuals).
Historically, the Monthly Review set itself up as a gatekeeper not only of taste but also of prescriptive diction and grammar—a prescriptiveness that, from the journalʼs eighteenth‐century beginnings, had taken aim especially at Scottish dialect, and all the more keenly so if the reviewer was himself a Scot (Percy, “Periodical Reviews and the Rise of Prescriptivism”). The journal was also known for a longstanding prejudice against religious “enthusiasm”, an animus that, in the eighteenth century, was directed against Methodism (McInelly, “When Worlds Collide”). In 1829, the Monthly Review linked what it perceived as linguistic parochialism with religious enthusiasm in the Anniversary, singling out a contribution by the Church of Scotland clergyman, Edward Irving (1792–1834), which the reviewer characterized as given to a “‘puritanic . . . phraseology, which literary persons belonging to that sect are too much in the habit of using on all occasions”. In contrast, as an example of “neatly written essays on popular subjects”, the reviewer quoted at length from piece in the volume “on the Female Beauty of the Three Kingdoms”, which argues that female beauty is independent of nation, being found wherever “gentleness of . . . [womanʼs] nature and the kindliness of her heart throw a household halo around her person” (Unsigned review of The Anniversary [1829], The Amulet [1829], The Juvenile Forget Me Not [1829], and The Juvenile Keepsake [1829], 526, 528; and see M., “English, Scotch, and Irish Beauty”, in Cunningham, ed., The Anniversary, 201–5, 205).
Editors of annuals faced risks in presenting any perceivable excess that reviewers might argue as deranging the aesthetic that the Monthlyʼs reviewer characterized as a “beautiful . . . unison”. While Barbara Onslow alerts us that certain classes of illustrated books during this period did pursue distinct audiences and agendas, the annuals were directed at “the emotions and associations aroused in the heart and mind of the beholder” (Onslow, “Gendered Production: Annuals and Gift Books”, 75). Reviewers might complain about the overall blandness and uniformity of the annuals, especially as the market grew increasingly competitive with new titles added each year, but at the same time the market tended toward uniformity. For whatever reason, Cunningham, or his publisher, ceased publication of the Anniversary in the midst of compiling only its second volume. Its demise may not have been connected directly with its Scottish emphasis (Cunninghamʼs biographer blamed the publisherʼs unsettled plans [Hogg, Life of Allan Cunningham, 332]), but Pringle survived criticism of the lopsided number of Scottish contributions to Friendshipʼs Offering, perhaps because the emphasis was offset by other vernacular tales. Although recognized as “one of Scotlandʼs true tuneful sons” by Blackwoodʼs Edinburgh Magazine—the reviewer admitting that the Scotch emphasis that Pringle imparted to Friendshipʼs Offering for 1830 brought out, “of all our critical qualities, nationality . . . [as] the chief” (“Monologue”, 967)—Pringle himself claimed in his preface to the annual (for 1829) to have “promote[d] . . . a sound and liberal national taste”. Alongside the many pieces about Scotland, he took care to include an “Irish Tale”, “A German Legend”, a tale of “an old Frenchman of the time of Louis XIV”, and—in the most broadly unifying spirit—an “Ode on the Death of Queen Charlotte by Robert Southey, the English poet laureate. In 1829, George IIIʼs queen had been dead for a decade, but her image retained its currency for the annuals in the same spirit with which the Monthly Review admired the Anniversaryʼs essay on the universality of female virtues: all “future Queens [shall] to her / As to their best exemplar look”, the poet predicted, since, thanks to Charlotte, “At Court, the Household Virtues had their place” (Pringle, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], vi, 191, 93, 56, 106–7; and for more on British nationalism in reviews of the annuals, see Harris, Forget Me Not, 211–14).
Perhaps as a result of these precautions, even the Monthly Review, for all its militancy for unifying the empire under English taste, could allow Pringle the compliment of exerting “the influence of an individual mind” over his annual. The reviewer did not refer to the annualʼs Caledonian flavor specifically but to a warmth that lives up to the annualʼs title—a “pervading spirit . . . of a deep and heart‐stirring benevolence; not wanting an occasional mixture of deeper passion, but for the most part breathing of freedom, and of the all‐glorious sentiment of devotion to the cause of universal happiness” (Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1830], etc., 437).
The Harrison Editorship
[To come.]
Illustration
The pictorial “embellishments” of the annuals were as significant as their literary content, if not more so. As a species of visual culture, the annuals inspired national pride. For the Monthly Review, critical scrutiny of the annualsʼ literary merit was a sometimes painful duty, since “fugitive and trifling . . . in some instances” as the pieces were, the poetry and prose were worth “the attention of a journal which professes to watch the intellect of the country”;. It was the annualsʼ pictorial content, however, that placed the annuals in “a class by themselves, which enables us to judge . . . of the progress made amongst us, not only in literary composition, but in the arts” (Unsigned review of Forget Me Not [1829], The Winterʼs Wreath [1829], The Gem [1829], The Literary Souvenir [1829], and Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], 377–78). The London Magazine went further, having been “grievously disappointed” in the annuals considered “as the united labours of the chief persons distinguished in this country for literature and poetry”, but “looking at the prose and verse merely as the letter‐press of engravings, it assumes a different character” (“The Annuals” (unsigned review of Forget Me Not [1828], The Amulet [1828], and The Bijou [1828])). Refusing any faith in what it called “the system” of recruiting writers for the annuals, which it considered endemically flawed, the London Magazine nonetheless allowed unmixed confidence in the visual art: “no one will at least be found hardy enough to deny that the artists . . . far surpass the most elaborate efforts of the writers” (“Souvenir Books, or Joint‐Stock Literature” [unsigned review of Forget Me Not (1827) and Friendshipʼs Offering (1827)], 479; and see ʼs Skeptical Editorship and the Concept of Friendship).
In Friendshipʼs Offering, from Relfeʼs volumes to Smith, Elderʼs, the number of “embellishments” per volume remained twelve or thirteen, including the frontispiece and presentation plate, which form part of the frontmatter. (A presentation plate is an engraved title page with a blank cartouche, in which the giver or owner could inscribe a name or brief message.) Although some annuals competed by offering more embellishments, a dozen or so was likewise typical of other annuals, the number perhaps limited by the time and expense required to commission or borrow art, and arrange for the lengthy process of steel reproduction—processes that must have grown more competitive as new titles entered the market each year. As Alaric Watts pointed out to consumers of the Literary Souvenir, “if, instead of such illustrations as these [ten in number, assembled for the 1826 volume], from original paintings and drawings, most of which have been procured with very great expense, I had chosen to introduce inferior plates, perhaps pleasing enough to persons possessing no great refinement of taste, taken from published prints, or obtained from cheap sources, more than double the number might have been given, at precisely the same cost”. However, in order to keep the price at the competitive twelve shillings per copy, he was obliged to balance the costs of original artwork and engraving against the large‐volume sales required to make a profit (Watts, preface to Literary Souvenir [1826], viii). According to one estimate of costs entailed in producing all the annuals for 1829, the total expenditures on commissions and fees to artists and engravers more than doubled the payments to writers, despite the disparity in numbers of contributions—in any given annual, perhaps nearly a hundred pieces of writing compared to a dozen plates (see Onslow, “Gendered Production: Annuals and Gift Books”, 74).
The number of plates contained in a given volume does not appear to have been constrained by practical considerations of binding, such as limiting insertion to the gaps between signatures. Placement was governed by content: a plate could be inserted facing the first page of a poem describing it, or adjacent to a page in the middle of a tale that contained a climactic event depicted in the engraving (see Annuals and Other Illustrated Books: Strategies for Ekphrasis).
The Poetry of the Sister Arts
In its approach to the Sister Arts, Friendshipʼs Offering reflects the English Romantic‐era transformation of the ut pictura poesis aesthetic, whereby poetry and picture are treated as “twin facets of a unified poetic experience” (Park, “‘Ut Pictura Poesis’: The Nineteenth‐Century Aftermath”, 156). Eighteenth‐century pictorialism might recur in some poems and in tales, picking out details in their accompanying plates as a strategy for binding the picture to a descriptive poem or a taleʼs action (see Annuals and Other Illustrated Books: Strategies for Ekphrasis), but more typical is the keynote of pervasive emotion struck by the opening poem of Smith, Elderʼs 1829 volume: “Two lovely Sisters here unite” so that “Here may each glowing Picture be / The quintessence of Poësy”, and “the Poetʼs verse, alike”, may “With all the Power of Painting strike”—both picture and poen deriving from and appealing to “the bosomʼs inmost cell” where “colours” can be “pure thought”, and the “image‐chamber of the heart” where “fresh scenes and shapes” can be formed from “silent words” (James Montgomery, “The First Leaf of an Album”, in Pringle, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], 1–2).
This unifying poetic emotion was especially associated with Richard Westall (1765–1836), an artist commissioned to provide the frontispiece for volume 26 of Friendshipʼs Offering, and many other pieces for this annual and others. Westall was known for his illustrations of Romantic‐era poetry and especially for his evocative portraits of Byron. As an 1824 tribute to Westall effused, he was an ideal portraitist of Byron because “Thou sawʼst the poet, with a poetʼs eye, / And hence a poetʼs mind could well descry, / For thou, to graphic genius not confinʼd, / Canʼst boast the powʼrs of a poetic mind” (John Taylor [1757–1832], “Lines on the Portrait of the Late Lord Byron, Painted by Richard Westall, Esq. RA”, quoted in Westall, “Richard Westallʼs Labours of Love”, 60).
The Romantic formula for the “poetry” of the Sister Arts could be viewed as generating mere “common‐places” in the annuals, as the Monthly Review remarked about Bernard Bartonʼs lines written to accompany Claudeʼs Landscape with the Marriage of Isaac and Rebecca (1648) in Relfeʼs 1826 volume. The speaker declines to engage in rivalry with the painter—that is, the Renaissance paragone, which put the competing descriptive powers of writer and painter at odds, instead of unified in their “poetry”. Instead, the poem instead proffers a shared poetic language: “I feel / No envy of thy noble art, / . . . which, unto outward sense, / Speaks in a language so refined”. The poem is formulaic because it has nothing to say about the emotions suggested by Claudeʼs landscape in itself (Barton, “‘Am I, Too, in Arcadia?’”, in Hervey, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1826], 47–48).
At the same time, the emotional response deemed appropriate to the audience of the annualsʼ Sister Arts—the “Lady of the Book”, as she is named in Montgomeryʼs “The First Leaf of an Album”—was believed to be best kept small and familiar, if not commonplace. The Monthly Review considered a French classical landscape an inappropriate choice for an annual: “A Claude; and from the National Gallery”! It was “a subject too ambitious for the scale” of the annual. “Why . . . not . . . cull a few humbler snatches from some English landscape?” (Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1826] and Janus [1826], 165; Claudeʼs Marriage of Isaac and Rebecca had recently been acquired for the National Gallery in 1824, as part of the Angerstein Collection).
This expectation for modesty of emotion had the effect of leveling the traditional ordering of the arts. There is a conflict between the original status and the reduced accessibility in Friendshipʼs Offering of a modern history painting, which was engraved for volume 26, Honors Rendered to Raphael on his Deathbed (1806), by the French painter, Pierre Nolasque Bergeret (1782–1863). The death of Raphael is rendered as described by Vasari, his body surrounded by prominent churchmen, courtiers, and artists, and “placed at the upper end of the hall wherein he had last worked, with the picture of the Transfiguration, which he had executed for Cardinal Giulio deʼ Medici, at the head of the corpse” (Vasari, Lives of the Most Eminent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects, trans. Foster, 3:61). The subject was germane to an ekphrastic miscellany like an annual, since Raphael had come to regarded as embodying the art of painting itself. For the French academic artworld, however, Raphael stood for the art of painting as a “symbolic embodiment of French artistic ideals”. He was a “‘modern Apelles’” answering to “that complete perfection” of art believed to be “shown in ancient times by the figures of Apelles and Zeuxis”. No less was said of Raphael in Britainʼs Royal Academy, but during the French Empire, when Napoleon had confiscated Raphaelʼs Transfiguration from the Vatican, the Raphaelesque aesthetic ideal also became politicized. Bergeretʼs depiction of Raphaelʼs wake, attended by powerful nobles as Vasari recounted, was meant to illustrate the premise that great men are glorified by their homage to great artists. If Raphael embodied the art of painting, Napoleon would be its possessor (Rosenberg, “Raphaelʼs Transfiguration and Napoleonʼs Cultural Politics”, 188, 186, 193, 198).
In Friendshipʼs Offering, the poem for Bergeretʼs picture, which was contributed by L.E.L., both confirms Raphaelʼs elevated stature and brings it down to size for the annual. Raphaelʼs art is characterized as deathless, not because of the codependency of art with the power of the state, but because of the shared poetic emotion that appeals to the ordinary heart. The prone figure of Raphael is turned with the “face of death” to the viewer, a face that is “paler and colder than the marble bust”, but the artistʼs “soul” remains undiminished, not by its fixation in a classical bust, but by art “leave[ing] its influence on the heart!”, giving “Hope to the trembling—mercy to the weak” (L.E.L., “Raphaelʼs Death‐Bed”, in Hervey, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1826], 73–75). The Monthly Review treated Bergeretʼs picture similarly to Claudeʼs landscape, as out of scale for the annual, finding the engraving “sadly overwrought with figures, and confused in its details”, but the reviewer was receptive to the “respectable lines from the pen of Miss Landon” (Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1826] and Janus [1826], 165).
Genre and Landscape Art in the Annual, and the Contest between the British Picturesque Aesthetic and French Neoclassicism
Perhaps because genre subjects and topographical landscape were deemed more accessible to the poetic response expected of the annualʼs reader, Friendshipʼs Offering in 1826 reflected the current tension between British and French aesthetics, the latter still favoring history painting and classical landscape. The influence of this debate over the annualʼs art commissions may have been somewhat adventitious, but an outcome was the valumeʼs beautiful final plate, based on Rouen, View from Bon‐Secours by Richard Parkes Bonington (1802–28) (see Noon, Richard Parkes Bonington: The Complete Paintings, 121 [no. 57]).
Apparently the first work by this important artist to be published in a British annual, Rouen not only represents the advocacy of British picturesque style by rebellious Romantic French artists; the plate also signals the introduction of engraving on steel to Friendshipʼs Offering, as advertised in the plateʼs caption. Thus, the annual advanced to the vanguard of a technological development, which had been introduced only in the previous year by Ackermannʼs Forget Me Not for 1825, and which was more famously featured in the current year by the rival Literary Souvenir for 1826, edited by Alaric Watts (see Annuals and Other Illustrated Books: Steel Engraving). Wattsʼs volume presented a steel‐engraved view of the Thames by J. M. W. Turner, Richmond Hill, which, like Boningtonʼs view of the Seine, pictured a river prospect from a high vantage. The two pictures thus put on view the rivalry between the annuals, as well as reflecting the broader aspirations of the young French Romantic artists who, at just this time, were visiting London to study the modern British landscape school.
R. P. Bonington, the son of an émigré British artist from Nottingham living in France, received his training in the atelier of Baron Antoine‐Jean Gros (1771–1835). To a neoclassicist such as Gros and the influential artist and critic Étienne Delécluze (1781–1863), subjects that especially attracted Bonington—such as the coastal scenery of Normandy and the Gothic architecture of Rouen—seemed random and meaningless, low on the scale of the traditional ordering of the Sister Arts. Studentsʼ understanding should be elevated by historical and religious subjects rather than by landscape—much less by the localized, provincial scenes that characterized the British school, as opposed to the timeless classical landscapes of the French tradition. Yet, to the alarm of those who defended the tradition of Grosʼs teacher, Jacques‐Louis David (1748–1825), British‐influenced picturesque subjects were gaining popularity in France. French critics also rejected the loose style of the British school, such as the textured brushstrokes of oils by John Constable, and the tonal rather than linear definition of architectural drawing by Samuel Prout and others of the “Monro School”. (Bonington almost certainly encountered Prout personally in Normandy and in Paris.) The seeming disregard for finish by British painters violated the priority that neoclassicism awarded to disegno, the conceptual emphasis on design, line, and form (Noon, Richard Parkes Bonington: The Complete Paintings, 14–18; Noon, Richard Parkes Bonington: The Complete Drawings, 9, 12).
Nonetheless, English style had recently gained impetus in France from the success of John Constable, Copley Fielding, and other British painters at the Paris Salon of 1824. Fired by enthusiasm for British landscape art and for the naturalistic approach it represented, Bonington visited London in 1825, in the company of Alexandre‐Marie Colin (1798–1875), Eugène Delacroix (1798–1863), and other young French artists in the vanguard of French Romanticism. For his contacts in London, Bonington relied on engravers, including the Cooke family, known for their reproduction of work by J. M. W. Turner (Noon, Richard Parkes Bonington: The Complete Paintings, 34–35). It was a younger member of that family, William John Cooke (1796–1865), who was responsible for engraving Boningtonʼs Rouen on steel—the technology that made mass production of pictures in the annuals practicable. Cooke brought state‐of‐the‐art skill to the commission, earning a medal in 1826 for his improvements in etching steel (Hunnisett, Steel‐engraved Book Illustration in England, 48–49; Munday, Edward William Cooke, 37–38).
Ironically, as presented in the two annuals, the French‐English affiliations behind Boningtonʼs and Turnerʼs river scenes are turned into rivalries. Both poems composed respectively for the plates rely on Wordsworthian tropes of return and loss to prompt wistful responses to the scenes; however, the speaker of “Written at Rouen” is compelled to draw attention to the foreignness of the scene, while the speaker of “Richmond‐Hill” exploits the homeliness of the familiar view at the expense of pretensions of foreign travelers. Drawing on “Lines Written a Few Miles above Tintern Abbey” to inject memory into the prospect in “Written at Rouen” (“And here I stand—as here I stood / How many years ago!”), the poem must nonetheless claim the scene for English readers by prefacing the verse with a prose, guidebook‐style description, as well as glossing lines with a footnote explaining that the heart of Richard the Lionheart is interred in Rouen Cathedral (generating the reflection, “But now, my breast, like yonder dome, / Where sleeps the Lion‐heart, / Is half a temple—half a tomb, / But has no earthly part!) (“Written in Rouen” in Hervey, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1826], 363–64). In “Richmond‐Hill”, Watts draws on the “Intimations Ode” to trace an English span of life from childhood to maturity in sight of the Thames—not to explain what he has lost and gained, however, but what he has retained and the foreign traveler neglected in exchange for places like Rouen (“wheresoeʼer my steps have been / One vision hath pursued me still; / . . . / My thoughts were full of RICHMOND‐HILL. / And, what the fool of fashion spurns, / But makes theè dearer seem to me: / Then, whilst his sickly fancy turns / To foreign climes, Iʼll worship thee! / The more, that thou to all art free”) (“Richmond‐Hill” in Watts, ed., Literary Souvenir [1826], 39–42).
Besides landscape in volume 26 of Friendshipʼs Offering, figure compositions by French artists likewise reflect the tensions between neoclassicism and Romanticism. In two plates based on paintings by Horace Vernet (1789–1863), The Dog of the Regiment and The Dead Trumpeter, battlefield scenes are combined with genre subjects highlighting the loyalty of domestic animals amid the carnage of war. From the standpoint of the critic Delécluze, Vernetʼs Salon pictures, on which engravings like these were based, represented a confusion of genre and history painting, threatening the conceptual basis of grande peinture (Doyle, “Bad Manners vs. Good Maniera, 140). Worse, Vernet disseminated a taste for such mixed subjects by embracing contemporary forms of art reproduction, such as lithography and aquatint, which challenged the authority given to line engraving by the French Academy (Bann, “Horace Vernet and Paul Delaroche”, 230–31; and on the broader context of these debates see Noon, Richard Parkes Bonington: The Complete Paintings, 24–30). In Friendshipʼs Offering, however, the genre elements in Vernetʼs pictures are brought forward by T. K. Herveyʼs poems, which construct memories of home for the fallen masters of the forlorn animals.
Overall, volume 26 of Friendshipʼs Offering would have been regarded by a traditionalist French critic as representative of how the invidious commercialization of art through book illustration, and through such popular spectacles as the diorama, threatened a degeneration of the ideology propping up the traditional ordering of the arts. Even the volumeʼs single example approaching Davidian neoclassicism (softened by color and eroticism), Aeneas Tells Dido the Misfortunes of the City of Troy, was based on a work by Pierre‐Narcisse Guérin (1774–1833), Vernetʼs friend and predecessor as director of the Académie de France à Rome. The English writer for the Monthly Review considered Guérinʼs Aeneas “cold and stiff”, while singling out Vernetʼs genre vignettes as “really . . . beautiful little piece[s]”, which did “great credit” to the engraver, Edward Finden, as did the “clever” plate of Rouen engraved by Cooke (Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1826] and Janus [1826], 165; fixated on print technologies, the Monthly Review sometimes identified only the engravers, and not the artists, of plates in the annuals, as in Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering for 1827, 87).
“Made Expressly for the Work”: The Art Scene in the Smith, Elder Annual
See Smith, Elder, & Company for the firmʼs ambitious early publications in engraving and aquatint. According to an early biographer of the firm, Leonard Huxley, art reproduction was the special care of Alexander Elder (1790–1876), who was interested in art (House of Smith Elder, 10). Presumably, Elder would have been anxious to showcase the firmʼs expertise in their selection and presentation of the new annualʼs embellishments. The firm would also have needed to extend their expertise beyond engraving and aquatint to commission steel engraving, which had already been introduced under Relfe (see Genre and Landscape Art in the Annual, and the Contest between the British Picturesque Aesthetic and French Neoclassicism; and Annuals and Other Illustrated Books: Steel Engraving).
As at least an appearance of shift in emphasis, Smith, Elder advertised that their debut volume would feature engravings taken from recently exhibited British paintings, including art “painted expressly for the Work”. The claim was not unprecented: Alaric Watts advertised that two engravings for the 1826 Literary Souvenir were based on originals “made . . . expressly for this work” by Turner and by Gilbert Stuart Newton (1795–1835) (preface to Literary Souvenir [1826], vii). Albeit an exaggeration, the decision by Smith, Elder to feature pictures from recent London exhibitions spoke to the attention that reviewers gave to annuals as a measure of “the intellect of the country”. The same justification, it seems, lay behind the decision in the list of embellishments for 1830 volume to give equal weight to the designation “in the collection of” as to the tags “made expressly for” and “as exhibited at”—the patronage of collectors standing also as a measure of the nationʼs intellect and wealth. For consumers like the Ruskins, studying the plates with these designations would have raised their awareness of London exhibiting institutions and private collections.
The frontispiece for 1828, A Sylph (engraved by William Humphrys [1794–1865]), reproduced a painting “exhibited at Somerset House, in 1827”—that is, in the Royal Academy exhibiting rooms (“The Friendshipʼs Offering, for 1828” [advertisement]). The artist was a history painter, John Wood (1801–70), who had recently gained recognition at the Royal Academy for such works as Psyche Conveyed by Zephyrs to the Valley of Pleasure (1826, Sir John Soaneʼs Museum, London; see Cooper, “Wood, John [1801–1870]”). In the following volume, for 1829, Wood created a frontispiece also made “expressly for this work”, Psyche and Cupid (engraved by Edward Finden; Pringle, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], viii). Woodʼs mildly erotic fancy pictures of classical subjects, which were not exclusive to Friendshipʼs Offering, continued to occupy frontispieces and other placements in Friendshipʼs Offering for 1830 and afterward.
Pringleʼs Scottish Landscapes
For 1829, several embellishments reflect the Scottish emphasis that Pringle summmoned in the literary contributions (see Pringle and Scottishness). Following Woodʼs frontispiece, which both dignifies and feminizes the volume using a classical subject, other plates pivot to landscape, introduced early and prominently with Glen‐Lynden, a “landscape with ruins, designed and engraved for this work by John Martin”. In 1829, Martin (1789–1854) stood at the height of his fame for his panoramic paintings of apocalyptic biblical events; and since 1826, he had been producing from his own studio the large mezzotints on steel that extended the audience for his popular paintings, such as the prints Joshua Commanding the Sun to Stand Still (1827; painting first exhibited 1816); and The Deluge (1828; painting first exhibited 1826). At the same time, Martin was designing and producing small mezzotints for the annuals, publishing over twenty plates between 1826 and 1837 in the Amulet, the Literary Souvenir, and other annuals. Among the earliest of these small prints was Glen‐Lynden for Friendshipʼs Offering (Wees, “Darkness Visible”, 3, 29–30, 33 [cat. no. 24]).
Rendered in Martinʼs sublime style, Glen‐Lynden overwhelms its homely pairing, the poem “Glen‐Lynden: A Tale of Teviotdale” by the volume editor, whose persona humbles himself as the “last and lowliest of the train” of poets to pay “pious tribute” to “haunted Teviot”, “the loved mother he has left behind”. Since his early “Autumnal Excursion” (1819), Pringle preferred the traditional name Teviotdale for the valley of the Teviot River, near Kelso in Roxburghshire, where he was born. The name Glen Lynden, although used here for a fictional Border glen, was in real life the name Pringle bestowed on the settlement in Cape Colony where he emigrated (Vigne, Thomas Pringle, 79). In the posthumous edition of Pringleʼs poems, “Glen‐Lynden” would be re‐presented as a fragment of “The Emigrants”, which he projected as a fictionalized account of the journey to South Africa. Standing alone, “Glen Lynden” could “call to mind / The scenes that Scottish hearts to their dear country bind”—including, perhaps, those who have immigrated to “foreign lands” only as far as England, like the Ruskins (Pringle, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], 19).
As if designed as a melancholy reminder specifically for the Ruskin family, the theme of Scottish landscape with ruins continues in volume 29 with Campbell Castle, drawn by George Arnald (1763–1841), and supported by a poem by David Macbeth Moir (“Delta” [1798–1851]) (Pringle, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], 143–44). The castle is located in the Ochil Hills, which the Ruskins passed through in their journeys north to visit the family of John Jamesʼs sister, Jessie Richardson, in Perth—journeys that by 1829 had been curtailed by the deaths of Jessie and two of her children in 1826–28 (see also note on Glenfarg [place]).
Binding
Contrasts and Continuities between the Relfe and Smith, Elder Bindings
The success of Smith, Elderʼs takeover of Friendshipʼs Offering hinged in part on an innovation in binding, which substituted embossed leather for the printed and glazed paper‐covered boards and slipcase that were initially characteristic of both this annual and Forget Me Not. On the evidence, however, of a well‐preserved copy of Relfeʼs second volume, the Friendshipʼs Offering for 1825, which was acquired by Princeton University Library Special Collections in 2010, one might adjust of narrative of Smith, Elderʼs innovation to take account of how the new publisher developed the annualʼs existing reputation for splendor rather than supplanting a drab commodity. While it has been known that Friendshipʼs Offering, like Forget Me Not, was sold pre‐packaged in printed and glazed paper boards and a slipcase, rather than a temporary binding to be replaced by the consumer (see Annuals and Other Illustrated Books: Bindings), the Princeton copy reveals a slipcase cover with an elaborate Gothic Revival design in multiple colors, the gothic tracery forming a window or portal enclosing the title, which is lettered in a gothic and scrolled calligraphic style. The slipcase spine is cleverly printed with a vertical gothic pillar showing statues in niches, and the case retains an attached purple‐silk ribbon‐pull. This design corresponds stylistically to the volumeʼs title page, which is also Gothic Revival but a distinct design, not printed from the same plate used for the slipcase cover. The title page is likewise printed in multiple colors, and the design is a gothic arch framing the title and publisherʼs imprint lettered in a calligraphic style (see “‘Friendshipʼs Offering wears a most captivating appearance’: 1825). As a visual artifact, Relfeʼs annual presented a striking and luxurious appearance; and its brightly colored design, like the mechanized leather embossing that replaced it, originated in the tastes instilled by the Gothic Revival combined with innovative and cheapening industrial‐age printing and binding technologies (see Jamieson, English Embossed Bindings, 1, 7–31).
The boards of the Princeton copy likewise suggest that Smith, Elder was elaborating on, rather than eclipsing, the impression made by Relfeʼs earlier binding. This example has a front board covered with a pale embossed paper, which is probably related to a lilac‐colored case made from embossed card that Eleanore Jamieson observed on an 1827 copy of Friendshipʼs Offering, Relfeʼs final volume. These embossed papers were produced in the 1820s using a “fly‐embossing‐press”, a machine that exerted high pressure to stamp “so sharp and detailed an impression over the whole cover” that the covers had to be embossed separately from the book as case bindings, as opposed to “blocked bindings” that applied embossed patterns to the cover after the book was already bound (Jamieson, English Embossed Bindings, 8–10; and see The embossed design is an arabesque surrounding the borders “‘Friendshipʼs Offering wears a most captivating appearance’: 1825”). Embossed covers in leather, produced by this powerful machine to stamp arabesque designs over the entire surface of the boards, were first produced around 1829, simultaneously with its use for Smith, Elderʼs debut volume of Friendshipʼs Offering. The bindings for Smith, Elder were produced by Alexander Bain, whose name is stamped in tiny but precise lettering at the bottom‐center of the boards, beneath the more prominently lettered publisherʼs name (Jamieson, English Embossed Bindings, 10–12, 17). There are correspondences between the Relfe arabesque design, which includes a lyre in the center‐top and center‐bottom borders, and the Smith, Elder cover, which also employs the lyre device, but causes it to stand out, blocked in gilt in the center of the full front cover. Thus, again, a comparison of the Relfe and the Smith, Elder embossed bindings can be viewed in terms of continuity as well as of change in kind—retaining and developing some design elements, as the new machine‐embossing technology was applied first to paper and then to leather.
The Durability of the Bindings and Perceived Readership
In a notice of the 1828 volume of Friendshipʼs Offering, the Mirror of Literature, Amusement, and Instruction commented on the change in bindings as a welcome improvement in practical use, “unit[ing] the utile cum dulci”, and glanced at the implications of a sturdier binding that could withstand more strenuous handling. The reviewer regarded the “substituting for the usual paper covering [i.e., the former printed and glazed paper boards], an elegantly embossed leather binding” to be “altogether an improvement on the original plan, since the slight coverings of silk or paper is [sic] scarcely safe out of the drawing‐room or boudoir, and some of the contributions to the ‘annuals’ entitle them to a higher stand” (“Spirit of ‘The Annuals’ for 1828”, 418). A perceived advantage of embossed leather appears to have been to combine luxury with durability, overcoming the need for a slipcase; however, Eleanore Jamieson comments that the leather bindings were not as practical as they appeared. The embossing could not withstand shelfwear, and the books remained on the drawing‐room table (English Embossed Bindings, 3).
For the Mirror reviewer, more was at stake than the location of the annual, its possible surroundings soliciting an audience beyond the female sphere of the “boudoir”, including male readers. As was being urged contemporaneously in a review of the annuals for 1827 in the London Magazine, “light” and “popular” literature should strive beyond the “idealess”. Even if “these little books go into the hands of young ladies chiefly, and they lie about drawing‐rooms for several months”, they presented a “fine opportunity to make some deep and lasting impressions upon the sensible and amiable hearts, as well as upon the fine deep eyes, blue and black, of the Souvenir readers” (“Souvenir Books, or Joint‐Stock Literature” [unsigned review of Forget Me Not (1827) and Friendshipʼs Offering (1827)], 479–80, 481; and see Charles Knightʼs Skeptical Editorship and the Concept of Friendship).
It is possible that Smith, Elder appealed separately to female and male consumers, or at least to livelier versus serious readers, by offering the leather binding in a variety of colors. According to a review of the first Smith, Elder volume (1828), “the colour . . . [was] varied” in the leather binding “for the gratification of different tastes” (“The Annuals for 1828”, 193). Today, surviving copies are found most commonly in a sober maroon‐brown, but a brighter red and possibly a green can still be found, as well.
The Design of the Bindings
The design of the Smith, Elder embossing was called arabesque, a formal floral and leaf pattern, suggestive of Renaissance or Rococo ornament, as distinct from cathedral patterns, in the style of Gothic architectural ornament (Jamieson, “The Binding Styles of the Gift Books and Annuals”, 10–13, and see 7–14; Jamieson, English Embossed Bindings, 19–21). The cathedral style was associated with devotional publications, although, as we have seen, the printed boards and slipcase of the Relfe annual might be called cathedral.
Harris speculates that the Smith, Elder leather covers of Friendshipʼs Offering would have suggested the bindings of prayer books and bibles—the only bound stock, besides gift books, that retailers typically offered over the counter (as opposed to temporary paper‐covered boards, meant to be replaced by the consumer). These “gospel‐like bindings” may have been meant “to convince the reading public of the wholesome value of the literature and engravings within” (Harris, Forget Me Not, 131, 133–34). If these associations are valid, then Smith, Elder might be viewed as maintaining the sacred connotation of Relfeʼs binding; however, by replacing a cathedral design with an arabesque, the later publisher may have disassociated their new look from a more specifically ecclesiastical appearance—a possible source of anxiety, as the rise in popularity of the annuals in the later 1820s coincided with the growing religious controversy surrounding the Catholic Emancipation Act of 1829.
The Wrapper
While the decorated leather binding was able to dispense with a slipcase, new copies were protected by a paper wrapper. As George Murray Smith (1824–1901) recalled, when he was a youth learning the business from the bottom up in his fatherʼs firm, he took part in the preparation of Friendshipʼs Offering for its holday‐season release by enclosing copies in their wrappers: “‘For two or three days before the day of appearance everybody remained after the shop had closed. Tables were set out, and we sealed up each copy in a wrapper. When the work was all over we were regaled with wine and cake and sang songs’” (quoted in Huxley, House of Smith, Elder, 14). The wrapper was a distinct style of nineteenth‐century dust‐jacket that completely enclosed the book like gift‐wrapping, the point being both to protect the fancy binding and to market the annual as a seasonal gift. A surviving wrapper for the Friendshipʼs Offering for 1830, discovered in 2009, so far holds the record as the earliest known example (ca. 1829) of a publisherʼs dust‐jacket or wrapper (i.e., a paper envelope manufactured and applied by the publisher, as opposed to handmade or bespoke dust‐jackets contrived for private or institutional use, which are known to have existed much earlier; see Godburn, Nineteenth‐Century Dust‐Jackets, 30–31, 187 n. 3, 21–25). It is not known whether Relfe used a wrapper to provide additional protection for copies of his Friendshipʼs Offering in their printed slipcases.
As Mark Godburn explains, the history of nineteenth‐century publishersʼ dust‐jackets, as told by twentieth‐century bibliographers, attributed their emergence to publishersʼ adoption of ready‐made bindings, which resulted from the innovation and mechanization of binding processes in the first two decades of the century. While the earlier bibliographic account fixated on the invention of cloth covers, which was developed in the 1820s at about the same time as case bindings (McKitterick, “Changes in the Look of the Book”, 97–98), Godburn points out that dust‐jackets and wrappers were made a necessity by the broader variety of fancy bindings early in the century, not just the more decorated examples of cloth bindings; and he suggests that wrappers were especially associated with marketing the annuals and their predecessors, the pocket books. The surviving wrapper for the Friendshipʼs Offering . . . for MDCCCXXX reveals that even this ephemeral paper covering was designed to flatter buyers with a luxury commodity. Smith, Elder had it made from quality paper, and fastened its folds around the book with red sealing wax. The paper was printed so that, when folded properly, the front, back, and spine of the package would show a decorated title, advertisements for additional collectorʼs items (e.g., separate portfolios of the volumeʼs engravings), and the annualʼs signature verse epigraph, which the buyer would find also inside, printed on the title page (Godburn, Nineteenth‐Century Dust‐Jackets, 16–20, 30, 28; for the motto, which the publisher obtained by holding a public contest, with a prize of five guineas for the winning verse, see Huxley, House of Smith Elder, 12).