The pictorial “embellishments” of the annuals were as significant as their literary content, if not more so. As a species of visual culture, the annuals inspired national pride.
For the
Monthly Review, critical scrutiny of the annualsʼ literary merit was a sometimes painful duty,
since “fugitive and trifling . . . in some instances” as the pieces were, the poetry and prose were worth “the attention of a journal which professes to watch the intellect of the country”;.
It was the annualsʼ pictorial content, however, that placed the annuals in “a class by themselves, which enables us to judge . . . of the progress made amongst us, not only in literary composition, but in the arts”
(
Unsigned review of Forget Me Not [1829], The Winterʼs Wreath [1829], The Gem [1829], The Literary Souvenir [1829], and Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], 377–78).
The London Magazine went further, having been “grievously disappointed” in the annuals considered “as the united labours of the chief persons distinguished in this country for literature and poetry”,
but “looking at the prose and verse merely as the letter‐press of engravings, it assumes a different character”
(
“The Annuals” (unsigned review of Forget Me Not [1828], The Amulet [1828], and The Bijou [1828])).
Refusing any faith in what it called “the system” of recruiting writers for the annuals, which it considered endemically flawed,
the
London Magazine nonetheless allowed unmixed confidence in the visual art:
“no one will at least be found hardy enough to deny that the artists . . . far surpass the most elaborate efforts of the writers”
(
“Souvenir Books, or Joint‐Stock Literature” [unsigned review of Forget Me Not (1827) and Friendshipʼs Offering (1827)], 479; and see
ʼs Skeptical Editorship and the Concept of Friendship).
In
Friendshipʼs Offering, from Relfeʼs volumes to Smith, Elderʼs, the number of “embellishments” per volume remained twelve or thirteen, including the frontispiece and presentation plate,
which form part of the frontmatter. (A
presentation plate is an engraved title page with a blank cartouche, in which the giver or owner could
inscribe a name or brief message.) Although some annuals competed by offering more embellishments, a dozen or so was likewise typical of other annuals,
the number perhaps limited by the time and expense required to commission or borrow art, and arrange for the lengthy process of steel reproduction—processes that must have grown more competitive as new titles entered the market each year.
As
Alaric Watts pointed out to consumers of the
Literary Souvenir, “if, instead of such illustrations as these [ten in number, assembled for the
1826 volume], from original paintings and drawings, most of which have been procured with very great expense,
I had chosen to introduce inferior plates, perhaps pleasing enough to persons possessing no great refinement of taste, taken from published prints, or obtained from cheap sources,
more than double the number might have been given, at precisely the same cost”. However, in order to keep the price at the competitive twelve shillings per copy, he was obliged to balance the costs of original artwork
and engraving against the large‐volume sales required to make a profit (
Watts, preface to Literary Souvenir [1826], viii).
According to one estimate of costs entailed in producing all the annuals for
1829, the total expenditures on commissions and fees to artists and engravers more than doubled the payments to writers,
despite the disparity in numbers of contributions—in any given annual, perhaps nearly a hundred pieces of writing compared to a dozen plates (see
Onslow, “Gendered Production: Annuals and Gift Books”, 74).
The Poetry of the Sister Arts
In its approach to the Sister Arts,
Friendshipʼs Offering reflects the English Romantic‐era transformation of the
ut pictura poesis aesthetic,
whereby poetry and picture are treated as “twin facets of a unified poetic experience”
(
Park, “‘Ut Pictura Poesis’: The Nineteenth‐Century Aftermath”, 156).
Eighteenth‐century pictorialism might recur in some poems and in tales, picking out details in their accompanying plates as a strategy for binding the picture to a descriptive poem or a taleʼs action
(see
Annuals and Other Illustrated Books: Strategies for Ekphrasis),
but more typical is the keynote of pervasive emotion struck by the opening poem of Smith, Elderʼs
1829 volume: “Two lovely Sisters here unite” so that
“Here may each glowing Picture be / The quintessence of Poësy”, and “the Poetʼs verse, alike”, may “With all the Power of Painting strike”—both
picture and poen deriving from and appealing to “the bosomʼs inmost cell” where “colours” can be “pure thought”, and the “image‐chamber of the heart” where “fresh scenes and shapes” can be formed from “silent words”
(
James Montgomery,
“The First Leaf of an Album”, in
Pringle, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], 1–2).
This unifying poetic emotion was especially associated with
Richard Westall (
1765–1836),
an artist commissioned to provide the frontispiece for volume 26 of
Friendshipʼs Offering, and many other pieces for this annual and others.
Westall was known
for his illustrations of Romantic‐era poetry and especially for his evocative portraits of
Byron.
As an
1824 tribute to
Westall effused, he was an ideal portraitist of
Byron
because “Thou sawʼst the poet, with a poetʼs eye, / And hence a poetʼs mind could well descry, / For thou, to graphic genius not confinʼd, /
Canʼst boast the powʼrs of a poetic mind” (
John Taylor [
1757–1832],
“Lines on the Portrait of the Late Lord Byron, Painted by Richard Westall, Esq. RA”,
quoted in
Westall, “Richard Westallʼs Labours of Love”, 60).
The Romantic formula for the “poetry” of the Sister Arts could be viewed as generating mere “common‐places” in the annuals, as the
Monthly Review remarked about
Bernard Bartonʼs lines written to accompany
Claudeʼs
Landscape with the Marriage of Isaac and Rebecca (
1648)
in Relfeʼs
1826 volume.
The speaker declines to engage in rivalry with the painter—that is, the Renaissance
paragone, which put the competing descriptive powers of writer and painter at odds, instead of unified in their “poetry”.
Instead, the poem instead proffers a shared poetic language: “I feel / No envy of thy noble art, / . . . which, unto outward sense, / Speaks in a language so refined”.
The poem is formulaic because it has nothing to say about the emotions suggested by
Claudeʼs landscape in itself
(
Barton,
“‘Am I, Too, in Arcadia?’”, in
Hervey, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1826], 47–48).
At the same time, the emotional response deemed appropriate to the audience of the annualsʼ Sister Arts—the “Lady of the Book”,
as she is named in
Montgomeryʼs
“The First Leaf of an Album”—was believed to be best kept small and familiar, if not commonplace.
The Monthly Review considered a French classical landscape an inappropriate choice for an annual: “
A Claude;
and from the National Gallery”! It was “a subject too ambitious for the scale” of the annual.
“Why . . . not . . . cull a few humbler snatches from some English landscape?”
(
Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1826] and Janus [1826], 165;
Claudeʼs
Marriage of Isaac and Rebecca
had recently been acquired for the National Gallery in
1824, as part of the
Angerstein Collection).
This expectation for modesty of emotion had the effect of leveling the traditional ordering of the arts. There is a conflict between the original status and the reduced accessibility in
Friendshipʼs Offering
of a modern history painting, which was engraved for volume 26,
Honors Rendered to Raphael on his Deathbed (
1806),
by the French painter,
Pierre Nolasque Bergeret (
1782–1863).
The death of
Raphael is rendered as described by
Vasari, his body surrounded by prominent churchmen, courtiers, and artists,
and “placed at the upper end of the hall wherein he had last worked, with the picture of the Transfiguration,
which he had executed for Cardinal
Giulio deʼ Medici, at the head of the corpse”
(
Vasari, Lives of the Most Eminent Painters, Sculptors, and Architects, trans. Foster, 3:61). The subject was germane to an ekphrastic miscellany like an annual,
since
Raphael had come to regarded as embodying the art of painting itself. For the French academic artworld, however,
Raphael stood for the art of painting as a
“symbolic embodiment of French artistic ideals”. He was a “‘modern
Apelles’” answering to “that complete perfection” of art
believed to be “shown in ancient times by the figures of
Apelles and
Zeuxis”. No less was said of
Raphael in
Britainʼs Royal Academy,
but during the French Empire, when
Napoleon had confiscated
Raphaelʼs
Transfiguration from the
Vatican,
the Raphaelesque aesthetic ideal also became politicized.
Bergeretʼs depiction of
Raphaelʼs wake, attended by powerful nobles as
Vasari recounted,
was meant to illustrate the premise that great men are glorified by their homage to great artists. If
Raphael embodied the art of painting,
Napoleon would be its possessor (
Rosenberg, “Raphaelʼs Transfiguration and Napoleonʼs Cultural Politics”, 188, 186, 193, 198).
In
Friendshipʼs Offering, the poem for
Bergeretʼs picture, which was contributed by
L.E.L., both confirms
Raphaelʼs elevated stature
and brings it down to size for the annual.
Raphaelʼs art is characterized as deathless, not because of the codependency of art with the power of the state,
but because of the shared poetic emotion that appeals to the ordinary heart.
The prone figure of
Raphael is turned with the “face of death” to the viewer,
a face that is “paler and colder than the marble bust”, but the artistʼs “soul” remains undiminished, not by its fixation in a classical bust,
but by art “leave[ing] its influence on the heart!”, giving “Hope to the trembling—mercy to the weak”
(
L.E.L.,
“Raphaelʼs Death‐Bed”,
in
Hervey, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1826], 73–75).
The Monthly Review treated
Bergeretʼs picture similarly to
Claudeʼs landscape, as out of scale for the annual, finding the engraving “sadly overwrought with figures,
and confused in its details”, but the reviewer was receptive to the “respectable lines from the pen of
Miss Landon”
(
Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1826] and Janus [1826], 165).
Genre and Landscape Art in the Annual, and the Contest between the British Picturesque Aesthetic and French Neoclassicism
Perhaps because genre subjects and topographical landscape were deemed more accessible to the poetic response expected of the annualʼs reader,
Friendshipʼs Offering in 1826 reflected the current tension between British and French aesthetics, the latter still favoring history painting and classical landscape.
The influence of this debate over the annualʼs art commissions may have been somewhat adventitious, but an outcome was the valumeʼs beautiful final plate,
based on
Rouen, View from Bon‐Secours
by
Richard Parkes Bonington (
1802–28)
(see
Noon, Richard Parkes Bonington: The Complete Paintings, 121 [no. 57]).
Apparently the first work by this important artist to be published in a British annual,
Rouen not only represents the advocacy of British picturesque style by rebellious Romantic French artists;
the plate also signals the introduction of engraving on steel to
Friendshipʼs Offering, as advertised in the plateʼs caption.
Thus, the annual advanced to the vanguard of a technological development, which had been introduced only in the previous year by Ackermannʼs
Forget Me Not for
1825, and which was more famously featured in the current year
by the rival
Literary Souvenir for
1826,
edited by
Alaric Watts (see
Annuals and Other Illustrated Books: Steel Engraving).
Wattsʼs volume presented a steel‐engraved view of the
Thames
by
J. M. W. Turner,
Richmond Hill,
which, like
Boningtonʼs view of the
Seine, pictured a river prospect from a high vantage.
The two pictures thus put on view the rivalry between the annuals, as well as reflecting the broader aspirations of the young French Romantic artists who, at just this time,
were visiting
London to study the modern British landscape school.
R. P. Bonington, the son of an émigré British artist from
Nottingham living in
France,
received his training in the atelier of
Baron Antoine‐Jean Gros (
1771–1835).
To a neoclassicist such as
Gros and the influential artist and critic
Étienne Delécluze (
1781–1863),
subjects that especially attracted
Bonington—such as the coastal scenery of
Normandy
and the Gothic architecture of
Rouen—seemed random and meaningless, low on the scale of the traditional ordering of the Sister Arts.
Studentsʼ understanding should be elevated by historical and religious subjects rather than by landscape—much less by the localized, provincial scenes
that characterized the British school, as opposed to the timeless classical landscapes of the French tradition. Yet, to the alarm of those who defended
the tradition of
Grosʼs teacher,
Jacques‐Louis David (
1748–1825),
British‐influenced picturesque subjects were gaining popularity in
France. French critics also rejected the loose style of the British school,
such as the textured brushstrokes of oils by
John Constable, and the tonal rather than linear definition of architectural drawing
by
Samuel Prout and others of the “Monro School”.
(
Bonington almost certainly encountered
Prout personally in
Normandy
and in
Paris.) The seeming disregard for finish by British painters violated the priority that neoclassicism awarded to
disegno,
the conceptual emphasis on design, line, and form (
Noon, Richard Parkes Bonington: The Complete Paintings, 14–18;
Noon, Richard Parkes Bonington: The Complete Drawings, 9, 12).
Nonetheless, English style had recently gained impetus in
France from the success of
John Constable,
Copley Fielding, and other British painters at the Paris Salon of
1824.
Fired by enthusiasm for British landscape art and for the naturalistic approach it represented,
Bonington visited
London
in
1825, in the company of
Alexandre‐Marie Colin (
1798–1875),
Eugène Delacroix (
1798–1863), and other young French artists in the vanguard of French Romanticism.
For his contacts in
London,
Bonington relied on engravers, including the
Cooke family,
known for their reproduction of work by
J. M. W. Turner
(
Noon, Richard Parkes Bonington: The Complete Paintings, 34–35).
It was a younger member of that family,
William John Cooke (
1796–1865),
who was responsible for engraving
Boningtonʼs
Rouen on steel—the
technology that made mass production of pictures in the annuals practicable.
Cooke brought state‐of‐the‐art skill
to the commission, earning a medal in
1826 for his improvements in etching steel
(
Hunnisett, Steel‐engraved Book Illustration in England, 48–49;
Munday, Edward William Cooke, 37–38).
Ironically, as presented in the two annuals, the French‐English affiliations behind
Boningtonʼs and
Turnerʼs river scenes are turned into rivalries.
Both poems composed respectively for the plates rely on Wordsworthian tropes of return and loss to prompt wistful responses to the scenes; however, the speaker of
“Written at Rouen” is compelled to draw attention to the foreignness of the scene, while the speaker of
“Richmond‐Hill” exploits the homeliness of the familiar view at the expense of pretensions of foreign travelers.
Drawing on
“Lines Written a Few Miles above Tintern Abbey” to inject memory into the prospect in
“Written at Rouen” (“And here I stand—as here I stood / How many years ago!”), the poem must nonetheless claim the scene for English readers
by prefacing the verse with a prose, guidebook‐style description, as well as glossing lines with a footnote explaining that the heart of
Richard the Lionheart
is interred in
Rouen Cathedral (generating the reflection, “But now, my breast, like yonder dome, / Where sleeps the Lion‐heart, / Is half a temple—half a tomb, / But has no earthly part!)
(
“Written in Rouen” in
Hervey, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1826], 363–64).
In
“Richmond‐Hill”,
Watts draws on the “Intimations Ode” to trace an English span of life from childhood to maturity in sight of the
Thames—not to explain what he has lost and gained,
however, but what he has retained and the foreign traveler neglected in exchange for places like
Rouen (“wheresoeʼer my steps have been / One vision hath pursued me still; / . . . /
My thoughts were full of R
ICHMOND‐H
ILL. / And, what the fool of fashion spurns, / But makes theè dearer seem to me: /
Then, whilst his sickly fancy turns / To foreign climes, Iʼll worship thee! / The more, that thou to all art free”)
(
“Richmond‐Hill” in
Watts, ed., Literary Souvenir [1826], 39–42).
Besides landscape in volume 26 of
Friendshipʼs Offering,
figure compositions by French artists likewise reflect the tensions between neoclassicism and Romanticism.
In two plates based on paintings by
Horace Vernet (
1789–1863),
The Dog of the Regiment and
The Dead Trumpeter,
battlefield scenes are combined with genre subjects highlighting the loyalty of domestic animals amid the carnage of war. From the standpoint of the critic
Delécluze,
Vernetʼs Salon pictures, on which engravings like these were based,
represented a confusion of genre and history painting, threatening the conceptual basis of
grande peinture
(
Doyle, “Bad Manners vs. Good Maniera”, 140).
Worse,
Vernet disseminated a taste for such mixed subjects by embracing contemporary forms of art reproduction, such as lithography and aquatint,
which challenged the authority given to line engraving by the French Academy
(
Bann, “Horace Vernet and Paul Delaroche”, 230–31; and on the broader context of these debates see
Noon, Richard Parkes Bonington: The Complete Paintings, 24–30).
In
Friendshipʼs Offering, however, the genre elements in
Vernetʼs pictures are brought forward by
T. K. Herveyʼs poems,
which construct memories of home for the fallen masters of the forlorn animals.
Overall, volume 26 of
Friendshipʼs Offering would have been regarded by a traditionalist French critic as representative
of how the invidious commercialization of art through book illustration, and through such popular spectacles as the diorama, threatened a degeneration of the ideology propping up the traditional ordering of the arts.
Even the volumeʼs single example approaching Davidian neoclassicism (softened by color and eroticism),
Aeneas Tells Dido the Misfortunes of the City of Troy, was based on a work by
Pierre‐Narcisse Guérin (
1774–1833),
Vernetʼs friend and predecessor as director of the Académie de France à Rome.
The English writer for the
Monthly Review considered
Guérinʼs
Aeneas “cold and stiff”, while singling out
Vernetʼs genre vignettes
as “really . . . beautiful little piece[s]”, which did “great credit” to the engraver,
Edward Finden,
as did the “clever” plate of
Rouen engraved by
Cooke
(
Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1826] and Janus [1826], 165;
fixated on print technologies, the
Monthly Review sometimes identified
only the engravers, and not the artists, of plates in the annuals, as in
Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering for 1827, 87).
“Made Expressly for the Work”: The Art Scene in the Smith, Elder Annual
As at least an appearance of shift in emphasis, Smith, Elder advertised that their debut volume would feature engravings taken from recently exhibited British paintings,
including art “painted expressly for the Work”. The claim was not unprecented:
Alaric Watts advertised that two engravings for the
1826 Literary Souvenir were based on originals
“made . . . expressly for this work” by
Turner and by
Gilbert Stuart Newton (
1795–1835) (
preface to Literary Souvenir [1826], vii).
Albeit an exaggeration, the decision by Smith, Elder to feature pictures from recent
London exhibitions
spoke to the attention that reviewers gave to annuals as a measure of “the intellect of the country”. The same justification, it seems, lay behind the decision in the list of embellishments for
1830 volume to give equal weight
to the designation “in the collection of” as to the tags “made expressly for” and “as exhibited at”—the patronage of collectors standing also as a measure of the nationʼs intellect and wealth.
For consumers like the Ruskins, studying the plates with these designations would have raised their awareness of
London exhibiting institutions and private collections.
The frontispiece for
1828,
A Sylph
(engraved by
William Humphrys [
1794–1865]),
reproduced a painting “exhibited at
Somerset House, in
1827”—that is,
in the Royal Academy exhibiting rooms (
“The Friendshipʼs Offering, for 1828” [advertisement]).
The artist was a history painter,
John Wood (
1801–70), who had recently gained recognition at the Royal Academy for such works as
Psyche Conveyed by Zephyrs to the Valley of Pleasure (
1826,
Sir John Soaneʼs Museum,
London;
see
Cooper, “Wood, John [1801–1870]”).
In the following volume, for
1829,
Wood created a frontispiece also made “expressly for this work”,
Psyche and Cupid (engraved by
Edward Finden;
Pringle, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], viii).
Woodʼs mildly erotic fancy pictures of classical subjects, which were not exclusive to
Friendshipʼs Offering,
continued to occupy frontispieces and other placements in
Friendshipʼs Offering for 1830 and afterward.
Pringleʼs Scottish Landscapes
For
1829, several embellishments reflect the Scottish emphasis that
Pringle summmoned in the literary contributions
(see
Pringle and Scottishness). Following
Woodʼs frontispiece, which both dignifies and feminizes the volume using a classical subject,
other plates pivot to landscape, introduced early and prominently with
Glen‐Lynden,
a “landscape with ruins, designed and engraved for this work by
John Martin”. In
1829,
Martin (
1789–1854) stood at the height of his fame for his panoramic paintings
of apocalyptic biblical events; and since
1826, he had been producing from his own studio the large mezzotints on steel that extended the audience for his popular paintings,
such as the prints
Joshua Commanding the Sun to Stand Still (
1827; painting first exhibited
1816);
and
The Deluge (
1828; painting first exhibited
1826). At the same time,
Martin was designing and producing small mezzotints for the annuals, publishing over twenty plates
between 1826 and 1837
in the
Amulet, the
Literary Souvenir, and other annuals. Among the earliest of these small prints was
Glen‐Lynden for
Friendshipʼs Offering
(
Wees, “Darkness Visible”, 3, 29–30, 33 [cat. no. 24]).
Rendered in
Martinʼs sublime style,
Glen‐Lynden
overwhelms its homely pairing, the poem
“Glen‐Lynden: A Tale of Teviotdale” by the volume editor,
whose persona humbles himself as the “last and lowliest of the train” of poets to pay “pious tribute” to “haunted Teviot”,
“the loved mother he has left behind”. Since his early “Autumnal Excursion” (
1819),
Pringle preferred the traditional name
Teviotdale for the valley of the
Teviot River,
near
Kelso in
Roxburghshire,
where he was born. The name
Glen Lynden, although used here for a fictional Border glen,
was in real life the name
Pringle bestowed on the settlement in
Cape Colony where he emigrated
(
Vigne, Thomas Pringle, 79).
In the posthumous edition of
Pringleʼs poems,
“Glen‐Lynden”
would be re‐presented as a fragment of
“The Emigrants”, which he projected as a fictionalized account
of the journey to
South Africa. Standing alone,
“Glen Lynden”
could “call to mind / The scenes that Scottish hearts to their dear country bind”—including, perhaps, those who have immigrated to “foreign lands” only as far as
England, like the Ruskins
(
Pringle, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], 19).
As if designed as a melancholy reminder specifically for the Ruskin family, the theme of Scottish landscape with ruins continues in volume 29 with
Campbell Castle, drawn by
George Arnald (
1763–1841),
and supported by a poem by
David Macbeth Moir (“Delta” [
1798–1851])
(
Pringle, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], 143–44).
The castle is located in the
Ochil Hills, which the Ruskins passed through in their journeys north to visit the family of
John Jamesʼs sister,
Jessie Richardson,
in
Perth—journeys that by
1829 had been curtailed by the deaths of
Jessie and two of her children in
1826–28
(see also
note on Glenfarg [place]).