The first British annual was
Forget Me Not, published by the firm of Ackermann with the date
1823 for the holiday season of
1822–23.
As a publisher,
Rudolf Ackermann (
1764–1834) was known primarily for his high quality, extravagant topographical books,
illustrated by brightly colored aquatints. For the
Forget Me Not,
Ackermann hit upon a successful blend
of polite and sentimental verse, tales, and engraved illustration aimed at middle‐ and upper‐class consumers, especially women,
who already formed the primary audience for the Ackermann firmʼs in‐house magazine,
the
Repository of Arts (
1809–28).
The magazineʼs editor,
Frederic Shoberl (
1775–1853), did double duty as the editor of the
Forget Me Not
(
Ford, Ackermann, 70, 64–65, 80–83).
Precursors of the Annuals
According to
Anne Renier,
Ackermann based his creation on a combination of two models, the German
Taschenbuch, and the British
pocket book.
The former kind of publication modeled the literary content and illustration for which the British annuals became known,
whereas the latter presented tables of useful information along with blank or illustrated pages for the ownerʼs memoranda
(
Renier, Friendshipʼs Offering, 5–6).
To this ancestry of the annual,
Katherine Harris adds the printed traditions of the emblem book and the almanac,
as well as the homemade fashions of the ladyʼs album and the scrapbook, which were compiled by hand for personal collecting,
although consumers could obtain a pre‐manufactured cover with blank pages
(
Harris, “Borrowing, Altering, and Perfecting the Literary Annual Form”).
(Some confusion of terms arises from the similarity between the German
Taschenbuch
and the English
pocket book, both terms referring to the publicationsʼ portable size,
but the German form was literary, whereas the English
eighteenth‐century pocket book was akin to the almanac and diary.)
Eighteenth‐century pocket books resembled almanacs by including reference information, especially tables of facts that were deemed appropriate
to fashionable readers, such as lists of the members of the British royalty, the crowned heads of
Europe, and names of other dignitaries.
This convention appealed to
Ackermann, since he marketed his books and art supplies primarily to leisured and wealthy clientele,
and accordingly the first
Forget Me Not included a
“General Summary of Houses, Families, and Persons in Great Britain, in 1821”, along with tables of other demographic
information about
England,
Wales, and
Scotland.
This first British annual also reflected the original use of the pocket book as an engagement calendar,
being ornamented with a series of emblematic treatments of the twelve months, reproduced from copper engravings
(
Jung, “Print Culture, Marketing, and Thomas Stothardʼs Illustrations for The Royal Engagement Pocket Atlas, 1779–1826”, 31;
Hunnisett, Steel‐Engraved Book Illustration in England, 139;
and see the facsimiles of
Forget Me Not available in
Harris, ed., “Forget Me Not” Archive; and see also
Friendshipʼs Offering: The Founding of the Annual by Lupton Relfe—Searching for a Niche).
After the first
Forget Me Not, the Ackermann firm dropped the almanac features; and according to
Katherine Harris, by
1825
all British annuals had abandoned almanac‐ and diary‐like elements in favor of strictly literary and pictorial contents
(
Harris, “Borrowing, Altering, and Perfecting the Literary Annual Form”, 7).
Along the way to this stabilization of annuals in shared elements of early Victorian ekphrastic print culture, what might now be viewed as transitional publications eshibited devices of engaging a Romantic‐era reader.
As
Sara Lodge has shown, pocket books published shortly prior
to Ackermannʼs
Forget Me Not
combined features of the diary and almanac with the literary and artistic anthology, with the aim
of inviting reader response. In the words of
Leigh Hunt prefacing the
Literary Pocket‐Book; or, Companion for the Lover of Nature and Art
(
1818–22),
the reader was encouraged to mark each passing day with a “little homage . . . to a favourite writer or artist” and to “discuss the influence he has had upon taste and opinion”.
The result would be the ownerʼs own “Calendar of Nature” in place of a calendar of royalty
(quoted in
Lodge, “Romantic Reliquaries”, 25;
see also
Bentley, “Leigh Huntʼs ‘Literary Pocket‐Book’, 1818–22”).
Similarly, the
Royal Engagement Pocket Atlas (
1779–1826) invited the user to transform an ephemeral pocket book
into a permanent keepsake. The publisher commissioned sophisticated, historical‐ or literary‐themed copper engravings to adorn a print item worth preserving,
and offered a range of bindings, from functional to elegant. Some owners dedicated the diary pages to memoranda more lasting than notes about engagements,
and decorated their copies with handmade coverings, presumably to serve as personal gifts
(
Jung, “Print Culture, Marketing, and Thomas Stothardʼs Illustrations for The Royal Engagement Pocket Atlas, 1779–1826”, 34–36).
Prior to
Samuel Rogers realizing his travelogue poem
Italy in its influential form as an illustrated gift book,
quotations from the poem were used to head the memorandum pages of a pocket book, along with engraved vignettes by
Thomas Stothard
(
Jung, “The Illustrated Pocket Diary”, 25, 33, 36; and see
Samuel Rogers [1763–1855]).
As the literary annuals abandoned the features of the pocket book that invited readers to leave material traces of their creative engagement,
and became what
Harris summarizes as a “more marketable and completely prefabricated book of printed memories”
(
Harris, “Feminizing the Textual Body”, 607), some features derived from precursors to the form came to seem endemic rather than inherited.
The annuals took over the publication schedule of pocket books, requiring release on the market in late October or November
in time for purchase as Christmas and New Yearʼs presents. Also like pocket books and almanacs,
annuals lost perceived value as gifts after the beginning of the New Year; however, unlike their precursors, annuals were meant to be kept as permanent remembrances.
They were elegant, but, at a base selling point of twelve shillings, affordable keepsakes, putting aside more costly annuals produced for the high‐end market
(
see Harrisʼs table comparing the price of annuals with other types of print publications between 1814 and 1835,
“Feminizing the Textual Body”, 579).
Steel Engraving
In order to make a profit based on a twelve‐shilling‐per‐copy bookseller price, publishers needed to produce and move copies in the thousands each season.
An important printing development, which made high volume possible without degrading quality of image reproduction,
was the practical introduction of intaglio printing from a steel plate. Because steel is much harder than copper—the material that had been more commonly used in engraving and etching—its
durability increased the viability of print runs to the thousands of impressions, compared to the few hundreds of impressions possible from a copper plate.
The advantage of copper is its pliable surface, which is easily engravd, but copper plates wore thin from the abrasion of wiping excess ink in successive impressions.
Steel could stand up much longer to this routine procedure on the press, but innovations were required to make steel practicable for engraving,
such as manufacturing a softer metal for plates while retaining sufficient hardness for press. Engravers learned to combine techniques in order to work the plates,
such as combining etching by acid with engraving by incision. Mezzotint was an important approach initially in the
1820s
(For detailed accounts of the processes of tracing the source image, etching and engraving the steel plate, taking proofs for checking,
and printing from the plate, all of which typically required many weeks and even months for very ambitious projects,
see
Bain, “Gift Book and Annual Illustrations”;
Benson, Printed Picture, 36;
Hunnisett, Steel‐Engraved Book Illustration in England, 42–52;
and
Hunnisett, Engraved on Steel, 63, 110, 116, 110.
For an overview of the production and business of the annuals, involving artists and engravers as well as writers, see
Onslow, “Gendered Production: Annuals and Gift Books”.)
The annuals were not born from the development of steel‐plate engraving. The first three British annuals—
Forget Me Not,
Friendshipʼs Offering, and
The Graces—were illustrated initially in
1823–24 from copper plates.
In
Britain, the art was first tested in topographical and book illustration. In literary publishing during the first half of the
1820s,
steel was used in new editions of contemporary poets, such as
Walter Scott,
Thomas Campbell,
Thomas Moore, as well as some editions of classic poets.
Key specialists in the art during this period included the
Finden brothers,
Edward Goodall, and—an especially early developer in the field—
Charles Theodosius Heath (
1785–1848).
Heath was the son of the engraver
James Heath (
1757–1834), who had risen to Associate of the Royal Academy in the time of
Reynolds.
Later,
Heath supervised production of his own annuals, including
Heathʼs Book of Beauty and the
Keepsake,
the latter an important source for wide public exposure to the work of
J. M. W. Turner
(
Hunnisett, Engraved on Steel, 110–21;
Hunnisett, Steel‐Engraved Book Illustration in England, 84–95, 101–2, 163–67; and see
Samuel Rogers (1763–1855)).
Turner was an early experimenter with steel in the
1820s, particularly in mezzotint
(
Herrmann, Turner Prints, 144–62). The artistʼs first published project in steel was the
Rivers of England series (
1823–27),
produced by the entrepreneur
W. B. Cooke,
head of another family of engravers who contributed importantly to the development of steel engraving.
It was a logical development, then, that scenes by
Turner figured prominently in the annualsʼ breakthrough to steel engraving in
1825–26.
The first two annuals to exploit steel engraving, in
1825, were
Forget Me Not
and an annual perceived from its inception that year as dedicated to high standards of production and taste, the
Literary Souvenir,
edited by
Alaric A. Watts (
1797–1864)
(
Ford, Ackermann, 65;
Hunnisett, Engraved on Steel, 121–23).
The Gentlemanʼs Magazine pronounced the
Literary Souvenir for 1825 to be “one of the most beautiful little volumes that ever came under our notice”;
and before turning to the literary contents, the reviewer highlighted as “gems of art” the topographical views, attributing them to the engravers,
Heath and
Edward Finden,
without mentioning the artists (
Copley Fielding,
Italy—The Bay of Naples;
the elder
Charles Cope,
Kirkstall Abbey, a vignette;
William Brockedon,
France—Lyons and
Spain—Fortress of Saguntum; and
Frederick Nash,
“France—Paris from Père la Chaise”)
(
Unsigned review of The Literary Souvenir [1825], 445;
Literary Souvenir [1825], 23, 155, 187, 259, 332).
The literary roster was equally dazzling,
Watts having drawn on his “pretty extensive literary acquaintance”,
as remarked by the
Mirror of Literature, Amusement and Instruction, both this reviewer and the writer for the
Gentlemanʼs Magazine emphasizing the originality of contributions by
Scott,
Campbell, and the gothic writer,
the Reverend
C. R. Maturin (who died in
1824), as well as by favorites among the writers who were becoming reliable names in the annuals
(
“Christmas and New Yearsʼ Presents”, 411; and on
Wattsʼs ambitions for the annual, see
Harris, Forget Me Not, 136–37).
For the second volume of the Literary Souvenir (1826),
Watts obtained two plates by Turner, Richmond Hill
and Bolton Abbey, Wharfdale, the first drawings by the artist to appear in an annual,
and engraved for the purpose respectively by Edward Goodall and Edward Finden. (The coup coincided with the financial panic of 1826,
which brought down many publishers, including Hurst, Robinson, the publisher of the Literary Souvenir,
yet Watts kept the annual afloat under his own proprietorship as well as editorship.)
In both the
1825 and
1826 volumes of the
Souvenir, the topographical views
are paired with emphatically English voices,
Watts having adapted tropes from
Wordsworthʼs
“Tintern Abbey” to compose his poems
“Kirkstall Abbey Revisited” for
Copeʼs vignette and
“Richmond Hill” for
Turnerʼs plate. In the latter poem, Englishness degenerates into a chauvinistic snub of an effeminate
Continental tourist—a “fool of fashion” who “spurns” native scenes in preference for satisfying a “sickly fancy” for “foreign climes”
(
Watts, ed., Literary Souvenir [1826], 40; and see
Watts, ed., Literary Souvenir [1825], 155–58).
The jingoism affirms a patriotic assessment of the
Literary Souvenir in the previous year by the
Monthly Review,
which reacted to the emergence of the new annual as a symbol of British progress in the arts, and a demonstration of superior British innovation over anything borrowed from the Continent,
such as the annuals (see
Friendshipʼs Offering: The Founding of the Annual by Lupton Relfe—Searching for a Niche).
In contrast, the first steel engraving in
Friendshipʼs Offering, published in the volume for
1826,
featured a view of
Rouen by the French‐English artist,
Richard Parks Bonington. Although its English engraver received praise in reviews,
the other examples of contemporary French art in the volume were met with mixed reactions (see
Friendshipʼs Offering: Genre and Landscape Art in the Annual, and the Contest between the British Picturesque Aesthetic and French Neoclassicism).
The
Literary Souvenir ushered in a class of elegant, more expensive annuals, led by the
Keepsake,
published by
Charles Heath.
Harris characterizes this trend as a “cult of beauty”
(
Harris, Forget Me Not, 147–52).
Between
1827 and 1837,
Turner contributed seventeen plates to the
Keepsake
(
Herrmann, Turner Prints, 164–65).
The Reception of the Annuals
As suggested
by
Wattsʼs poem, a forceful current of English nationalism ran throughout the annuals.
Early in the annualsʼ history, as
Harris shows, editors and reviewers acknowledged the German origins of the annual,
only to erase that debt with an assertion of English superiority
(
Harris, Forget Me Not, 41–60).
As the quality of production improved, the claims of English superiority seemed all the more self‐justifying.
A critic for the
Monthly Review
promoted this English achievement in universal terms, a basis for uniting the empire in a common standard of taste:
“a single glance at their [the annualsʼ] contents” reveals a poetics “[s]tripped of all religious and political animosities, desiring only to please those individuals in every circle of society,
whose taste and virtues, best entitle them to the courtship of the mușes”; and therefore, “it is impossible for . . . [the annuals] to circulate through the country,
without carrying in their train the happiest consequences”, by “informing the understanding, and . . . attuning the heart and the fancy to the finest issues”.
A universal “love of the arts” would be “kindled by . . . [the annualsʼ] presence in the remotest corners of the empire”,
accelerating progress through distribution of these “admirable specimens of the pencil and the graver” to places that “might not otherwise have [been] reached”
with these unrivaled witnesses to English superiority “in the course of a century”
(
“Unsigned review of The Literary Souvenir [1825]”, 279).
In the review of the annuals for
1830, the
Monthly critic turned these attentions to “the loneliest hamlet” and “provincial towns” where
the annuals, sent as “ministers of taste”, will rescue the “inhabitants of the provinces” by supplying “something to console them for the want of exhibitions and rare collections”; accordingly,
the daughters of tradesmen and manufacturers, who visit neither
London nor
Italy, will not want the means of forming a good taste, the best and most valuable adornment, next to the moral ones, of woman”
(
Unsigned review of Friendshipʼs Offering [1830], etc., 435).
From the
1820s through the 1840s, as shown in a
“Chronological Index of British and American Literary Annual Titles”
(
Harris, Forget Me Not, 280–85),
new annuals proliferated exponentially, with many publishers vying for a share in the market.
The fashion survived the depression in the book trade caused by the panic of
1826 as well as by the Reform agitation
of
1832. While publishers strove to make their annuals distinctive in a competitive market, the writers, artists, and engravers
who filled the contents (many of whom depended on these publications for a steady income) appeared in multiple annuals each year, and from year to year,
so that, by
December 1830, a writer for the
Eclectic Review,
who was “expected to say something of the [seasonʼs] Annuals [for
1831] before the blossom is off”,
started with a yawn: “what can we say of them? They make . . . as fair a shew as in any former year, as regards the names of contributors,
the efforts of the engravers, the splendour of the binding; and each preserves a strong family likeness to its predecessor volumes. . . . The bill of fare is much the same”
(
Unsigned review of Forget Me Not [1831], Friendshipʼs Offering [1831], The Winterʼs Wreath [1831], and The Iris [1831]).
Bindings
The “cult of beauty” was strikingly embodied by its red silk covering of the
Keepsake,
but the annuals had always been set apart from other publications by their bindings, which made them immediately desirable objects of consumption.
The annuals dueled to be judged by their covers, a marketing ploy that arose from the broader mechanization of bookbinding,
which shifted the responsibility and cost of permanent bindings from the consumer to the publisher.
At the start of the nineteenth century, bookbinding was still a cottage industry that relied on hand tools and techniques that had remained essentially unchanged for centuries.
Even small towns supported a bookbinder to replace the drab paper boards, which protected most new books in the form they came from the bookseller
(
McKitterick, “Changes in the Look of the Book”, 96–97).
In the
1820s and 1830s, however, “machines for case binding, graining cloth and gold blocking . . . transformed binding into a factory production using assembly‐line methods”
(
Stone, ed., Pictures and Patterns, 10).
The flamboyance of the annualsʼ ready‐made bindings, therefore, as they jostled with one another in this changing and competitive market,
formed the beginning of developments that would lead to the heyday of Victorian bookbinding
in the
1860s–70s.
When first published,
Forget Me Not and
Friendshipʼs Offering were covered with glazed paper boards, which were printed with a design framing the title,
and enclosed by a slipcase of the same materials, likewise printed with a design—the same or distinct from the design on the front boards
(
Harris, Forget Me Not, 129–30, 133).
Since
McKitterick notes that this style of binding arose in
Germany in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries
(
McKitterick, “Changes in the Look of the Book”, 97)
perhaps its use initially for the annuals was a nod to the annualsʼ origin the German Taschenbuch.
At Princeton, a well‐preserved copy of the
1825 Friendshipʼs Offering, which
retains its slipcase, exhibits distinct designs on the boards and slipcase, both in a brightly multicolored Gothic Revival style,
inviting readers to discover the treasure within, while perhaps stealing a march on the rival
Forget Me Notʼs monochrome printed covers
(see
Friendshipʼs Offering: Binding).
If these printed and glazed paper bindings were outdone by silk in
1828, the greater appeal presumably lay in the impression
of luxuriousness, and perhaps femininity, but the gendered implications of this material are not definite.
In
1836, some copies of
Samuel Rogersʼs illustrated edition of his poem
Italy were bound in silk
(
McKitterick, “Changes in the Look of the Book”, 97–98), and the audience for that work was not exclusively female,
though those copies may have been marketed for women. In the same year when the
Keepsake flamed onto the scene in red silk,
Friendshipʼs Offering for 1828 announced itself as newly acquired by the firm of Smith, Elder
by presenting leather boards embossed over the entire surface, front and back, along with gilding on the spine and in the center of the front cover.
That this presentation was meant to be more sober and masculine than feminine silk may be the sense of a reviewerʼs comment that
“substituting . . . an elegantly embossed leather binding” constituted “altogether an improvement on the original plan,
since the slight coverings of silk or paper is [
sic] scarcely safe out of the drawing‐room or boudoir,
and some of the contributions to the ‘annuals’ entitle them to a higher stand”
(
“Spirit of ‘The Annuals’ for 1828”, 418).
Harris has suggested that embossed leather covers may have suggested the bindings of prayer books and bibles—the only expensively bound stock that retailers typically offered over the counter
(as opposed to paper temporary bindings, to be replaced by the consumer). These “gospel‐like bindings” may have been meant
“to convince the reading public of the wholesome value of the literature and engravings within”
(
Harris, Forget Me Not, 131, 133–34; and see
Friendshipʼs Offering: Binding).
Another sign of luxury was the larger trim size of the
Keepsake, measuring six by nine inches in place of the approximately four‐by‐six size
of the earlier duodecimo or small octavo annuals. The extra inches were taken up by white space in the margins rather than by text, countering any suggestion of practical considerations
(
Harris, Forget Me Not, 148).
[More to come.]
The Annuals and the Ruskin Family
It is striking that an eighteen‐year‐old youth,
Ruskinʼs cousin,
Charles, deemed it appropriate to present a younger boy, aged ten, with
Friendshipʼs Offering as a gift.
It is even more surprising that
Ruskinʼs
Aunt Bridget made him a gift of
Forget Me Not when he was only eight,
according to
Praeterita
(
Ruskin, Works, 35:91).
However, these gifts become less surprising in view of a study by
Paula R. Feldman of personal inscriptions found among a large collection of British annuals dating mostly from the
1820s and
1830s.
While findings based on a single collection must be considered tentative, the study gives sufficient grounds to question the assumption that annuals were most commonly purchased by men to present to women as a courtship gift;
instead, “literary annuals appear to have been purchased much more often as gifts between family members”, since “it is far more common to find inscriptions between siblings, or from parents to daughters,
from aunts and uncles to nieces, and from husbands to wives”. Thus, the presentation of an annual to
John by an aunt or cousin would not have been considered unusual;
and while
Feldman finds that apparently “it was
not permissible for a female to have given an adult male one of these volumes”,
the sampling did reveal instances of annual giving between males and (more commonly) between females (
Feldman, “Women, Literary Annuals, and the Evidence of Inscriptions”, 58, 57).
Ruskinʼs mother,
Margaret,
reacted to
Charlesʼs gift with disapproval of the publicationʼs poor educational influences: “
Charles has given
John a
Friendshipʼs Offering. . . .
The plates are well done but they are not interesting[;] the tales are horrible enough[;] the poetry very so so I think[;]
upon the whole it does not improve” (
letter of 31 October 1829 [
Burd, ed., Ruskin Family Letters, 208]).
In
Praeterita,
Ruskin read the gift as prompted by
Charlesʼs pride
in the material sumptuousness that his employers had bestowed on their newly acquired title:
Charles
“took personal pride in everything produced by the firm”, as
Ruskin believed “all right‐minded apprentices and good shopmen do”;
and it was in keeping with the reputation of Smith, Elder
for producing fine illustrated books that
Charles “on Sundays always brought a volume or two in his pocket
to show us the character of . . . [the firmʼs] most ambitious publications; especially choosing, on my behalf, any which chanced to contain good engravings”
(
Ruskin, Works, 35:91). It was the up‐to‐date materiality of
Friendshipʼs Offering
that could make this adult annual appealing to young people; and
Ruskin would demonstrate his engagement with modern technology of reproducible imagery in his
Account of a Tour on the Continent (see
Hanson, “Ruskin in the 1830s;”).
This is how
Forget Me Not stood in
1826–27, when
Ruskinʼs
aunt,
Bridget Richardson (1783–1830),
of
Croydon, presented him with the volume for
1827, containing
Monument at Verona,
by
Samuel Prout (1783–1852)
(
Ruskin, Works, 35:91).
Engraved by
Edward Finden (1791–1857),
this plate would have numbered among the early steel engravings produced by the
Finden brothers
(see
Hunnisett, Steel‐Engraved Book Illustration in England, 84–85).
Ackermannʼs annual had now caught up with the technology of steel engraving for book illustration,
which proved key to the success of all the annuals. As compared with softer copper, which soon lost its edge in repeated impressions,
steel engraving made possible the mass production of images, and helped to satisfy the craving for pervasive, but affordable visual culture by the early‐Victorian middle class.
These developments coincided with
Alexander Elderʼs ambitions for
Friendshipʼs Offering.
As later in the
“Account”,
Ruskinʼs own handmade version of an illustrated book,
Charlesʼs gift
may also have testified to his young
cousinʼs precocity, We can only guess at gift‐giversʼ motives, however.
Ruskinʼs
auntʼs present,
the
1827 Forget Me Not, seems particularly marked by the Victorian sentiment of mourning.
Its frontispiece,
“The Motherʼs Grave” (likewise engraved by
Edward Finden) features a trio of children sweetly gazing at a churchyard tombstone;
the contents include
“A Dirge” by
George Croly (1780–1860),
who would later become an impressive guest at
Herne Hill dinners;
and
Ruskinʼs beloved plate by
Prout depicts, as
Ruskin emphasizes in
Praeterita,
a “sepulchral” monument
(
Ruskin, Works, 35:91;
Shoberl, ed., Forget Me Not: A Christmas and New Yearʼs Present for MDCCCXXVII; and see
Harris, ed., “Forget Me Not” Archive
for facsimiles of the plates, list of plates, and table of contents for the
1827 Forget Me Not).
In the Ruskinsʼ family usages, the annualʼs function as memento may have been made specifically consolitory on occasion
(see
The Annuals and the Ruskin Family). Critics have unpacked the self‐referentiality and ironies entailed in the annualʼs
containing works that, in typical Romantic manner, derive imaginative gain from loss, while also materially embodying a memento mori in itself—an object
that the individual giver could inscribe with reference to a particular bereavement, while also laying claim to the kinds of status it conferred
(
Lodge, “Romantic Relinquaries”;
Mourão, “Remembrance of Things Past”). It would not have been a stretch for the annuals often to serve this function.
When transferring features of the
Taschenbuch from his native
Germany,
Ackermann emphasized the popular Romantic Gothic and sentimental elements.
As
Harris has discovered,
Ackermann modeled the
Forget Me Not
more closely than he acknowledged on a particular
Taschenbuch, the
Vergissmeinnicht, edited by
Heinrich Clauren (
Karl Heun,
1771–1854),
whose popular story,
“Mimili” appeared in the
Forget Me Not for
1824
(
Harris, “Borrowing, Altering, and Perfecting the Literary Annual Form”, 14–16).
Based on the proven success of these formulas, the popularity of these first volumes of
Forget Me Not proved so overwhelming
that the Ackermann firm diverted a major share of its resources into the booksʼ production,
consequently relinquishing experiments with lithography,
a new method of reproducting images that the firm had recently helped to introduce to
Britain.
Ackermann turned over the opportunity to develop the new technology to
Charles Hullmandel (see
Samuel Prout (1783–1852)).
Ackermannʼs success and increased production immediately inspired other publishers to enter the field with their own annual. The first imitator was
the firm of Lupton Relfe, whose
Friendshipʼs Offering
appeared in
1823–24;
and the second was Hurst, Robinson,
whose
Literary Souvenir appeared in
1824–25.
The latter was edited for a decade by the energetic
Alaric Watts (
1797–1864).
Audience, Especially Children and Women
The audience for annuals is often interpreted as primarily women and girls, particularly young women of courtship age (
Harris, “Feminizing the Textual Body”;
Lodge, “Romantic Reliquaries”, 26–31). The introductory poem for the
1829 Friendshipʼs Offering assumes a female recipient,
the “Lady of the Book”, whose eye and mind “as in a glass” reflect the Sister Arts of painting and poetry,
which unite to form “quintessence of Poësy” in the “fair enclosure” of this ekphrastic publication
(
James Montgomery,
“The First Leaf of an Album”, in
Pringle, ed., Friendshipʼs Offering [1829], 1–2).
Within five years of publication of the first British annual, this presumed middle‐class female audience becomes manifold with the emergence of specialized annuals for children
(e.g.,
The Christmas Box;
The Juvenile Forget Me Not), and for the religious (e.g.,
Winterʼs Wreath), with additional titles soon targeting these subcategories as well as other niches such as the comic annual.
Margaret Ruskin reacted to the first copy of
Friendshipʼs Offering to enter the household as both irreligious and lacking educational improvement for a child
(see
The Annuals and the Ruskin Family), but no evidence indicates that the elder Ruskins
steered the family consumption of annuals toward these more constrained and targeted publications. Despite
Margaretʼs initial qualms,
the presumed audience for the annuals could accommodate children of both sexes.
On this evidence, gender may have been considered irrelevant when inscribing an annual as a gift to a child;
alternatively, specific content may have influenced giversʼ judgments about a volumeʼs appropriateness for a girl or for a boy.
The
1825 Friendshipʼs Offering includes an engraving of a girl and her mother, in which the girlʼs palm is being read by a gypsy fortune teller.
Katherine Harris remarks that the girlʼs body dominates the scene, thrusting the two mature women into shadowy background,
and that the girlʼs gaze is turned directly toward the viewer. That gaze,
Harris comments, presents a rare instance in the annuals
of a female subject engaging directly with the reader/spectator, rather than treating the female subject
as passive and specular to be relished voyeuristically by the consumer
(
Harris, “Feminizing the Textual Body”, 600–603). Could this unusual picture have influenced the giverʼs choice for
Mary?
One might have expected that, at ten,
Mary and
John would have been given an annual edited specifically for children,
one of the so‐called “juvenile” annuals. This distinct commodity began production
between 1828 and 1830
(
Renier, Friendshipʼs Offering, 17 and see
“Chronological Index of British and American Literary Annual Titles” in
Harris, ed., “Forget Me Not” Archive).
By that time, both children may already have outgrown such a present.
Mary would have been too advanced in adolescence, while
John, though young enough, would have recognized as too precocious.
In a broader context, research by
Paula R. Feldman has revealed that gifting of annuals in general—not just of specialized titles—was very common among family members.
While
Feldman does not mention children specifically, except as recipients of school prizes,
presumably children would have been included in the exchange of annuals among family members
(
Feldman, “Women, Literary Annuals, and the Evidence of Inscriptions”, 54–58; see also
The Annuals and the Ruskin Family).